In this issue:

Kansteiner Sings Praises of Peace in Sudan; Punts on U.S. Oil Policy for Africa

Kansteiner Denies Military Plans for Gulf of Guinea

Eritrean War on Sudan Feared, as U.S. Plans Eritrean Military Base

Arab League to Eritrea: Do Not Interfere in Sudan

Ethiopia Appears To Decline Using Eritrean Ports for Food Delivery

British Sabotage Zimbabwean Land Reform

Zambia Rejects Genetically Modified Maize

From Volume 1, Issue Number 38 of Electronic Intelligence Weekly, Published November 25, 2002
AFRICA NEWS DIGEST

Kansteiner Sings Praises of Peace in Sudan; Punts on U.S. Oil Policy for Africa

Speaking Nov. 22 at the Heritage Foundation in Washington, a center for neoconservatism and the "Clash of Civilizations" drive for war with Iraq, Walter Kansteiner, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, reported on the "very good news" towards bringing peace to Sudan, and said he was cautiously optimistic and hopeful. He credited this accomplishment to the commitment by the Bush Administration, lucky timing, and leadership provided by Kenya. The next step would come in January, he said, when the government of Sudan and John Garang's rebel SPLA meet to discuss proposals for power sharing.

Kansteiner would not answer directly when he was asked by EIR's reporter if the U.S. commitment to settling the war in the Sudan were part of the Bush Administration's strategic orientation to Africa based on its large oil reserves. He simply said that the U.S. imports 15% of its oil from Africa, that that could go up to 20% in five to seven years, and Americans would like that. Africa's oil export depends on the markets and its geological gift from God, he said.

Disagreeing with the EIR reporter, Kansteiner said that the Sudanese Peace Act passed by Congress was a positive factor in helping bring the Sudanese government to the peace table, because it showed them there were "consequences" to failing to respond. In answer to another question, Kansteiner said the Administration was pleased with Sudan's help in the war against terrorism.

Kansteiner, in appearances at the West Africa Oil and Gas Forum in Houston on Nov. 19 (see below) and at Heritage, is playing down the strategy put forth at a Washington symposium of the Likud-Sharon-linked Institute of Advanced Strategic and Political Studies (IASPS) in January for the U.S. to militarily control the Gulf of Guinea to suck oil from Africa's west coast. Whether this is just public relations by Kansteiner, or represents a change in policy, is unclear.

However, as reported in previous issues of EIW, Kansteiner has been linked to the plans of the pro-Likud Washington-Jerusalem IASPS think tank to cultivate an Africa oil grab in the event of a blowup of the Middle East in a "Clash of Civilizations" war.

Kansteiner Denies Military Plans for Gulf of Guinea

At the Houston conference, "West Africa Oil & Gas Forum," Kansteiner was again "preemptive" in underplaying plans for West African oil, and a military presence in the Gulf of Guinea, which has been reported in African wire stories and newspapers. "The U.S. has no battle plan for the Gulf of Guinea," said Kansteiner, the Bush Administration's man in Africa.

In response to a query from a former U.S. ambassador as to whether West African oil and gas were of "strategic importance to the U.S.," Kansteiner refused to clarify matters when it was pointed out that he had avoided using the term in his remarks. On the sidelines, a Corporate Council on Africa representative confirmed that U.S. government policy on Africa is "evolving," and the Bush Administration has not reached a consensus following the Nov. 5 elections; it depends on the war against Iraq. Rumors have been widespread that the U.S. is planning to set up a military base in the Gulf of Guinea.

John Brodman, Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Energy Policy, U.S. Department of Energy, also poured some cold water on the forum, citing what he termed, "the geological facts of life": most of the proven oil and gas reserves are in the Middle East, and he linked the significance of African oil to the regional stability of the Middle East, implying that there may be major changes in Middle East oil supplies.

Kansteiner, likes other speakers, emphasized that it is "market-driven" decisions that will determine investments in West Africa, not decisions made by the Administration. Transparency, corruption, and good governance were all hammered on, as issues that effect "the investment climate."

American International Group, an insurance giant, and Kroll Associates, the top-level Anglo-American private intelligence group, were there to make clear the "risk management" dimension. The West Africa Oil and Gas Forum can be seen as a follow-on to the U.S.-Russia energy summit, held in Houston seven weeks ago, with related issues involved. Surprisingly, only 165 people participated in the conference, and U.S. corporate representation was on the level of corporate vice presidents and "hands-on" specialists. Mining and Energy Ministers from West African nations attended, some 30 representatives of African nations in all. Three African ambassadors attended. But it wasn't until the end of the plenary session, initiated by an ExxonMobil vice president, that the guest Ambassadors were recognized.

Eritrean War on Sudan Feared, as U.S. Plans Eritrean Military Base

There is a danger of war between Sudan and Eritrea, warned Sudan's Ambassador to Ethiopia, Osman El-Sayed, in an interview with the Ethiopian weekly The Reporter, published Nov. 13. Tensions between the two countries have been high since Sudan accused Eritrea of supporting attacks by Sudanese NDA rebels in early October. Ambassador El-Sayed, who called Eritrean President Issaias Afwerki "unpredictable," said, "We have information that he has already started making trenches in areas bordering Sudan," and that Sudan had reported the alleged aggression to the UN Security Council and other bodies.

Khartoum has decided to treat the Eritrean National Alliance (ENA), an opposition umbrella group, as a possible future government of Eritrea, said ArabicNews.com Nov. 4-6. Presidential adviser Qutbi al-Mahdi told the Sudanese daily al-Hurriyah Nov. 4 that Sudan would provide political, but not military support to the ENA.

These tensions came to the fore as reports emerged that the U.S. may build a major base at Assab, Eritrea, which could become the command center for the joint U.S. task force for the Horn of Africa. The U.S.S. Mount Whitney will be arriving within a month in the Gulf, and will serve as a floating headquarters, until headquarters can be moved ashore. Djibouti, to the east of Eritrea, is now the site of 1,500 Marines and others, as well as 2,850 French troops, but Djibouti says its territory may not be used for any attack on Yemen.

That special treatment from the U.S. is planned for Eritrea, is reflected in Associated Press's report that questions about Eritrean President Afwerki's human rights abuses and Eritrea's war with Ethiopia, are overridden by the needs of the U.S. in the war on terrorism.

Arab League to Eritrea: Do Not Interfere in Sudan

On Nov. 10, all 22 Arab League Foreign Ministers signed a resolution, which called on Eritrea to "respect the sovereignty and security of Sudanese territory and regional security." But two days later, Nov. 12, the Eritrean Foreign Ministry said that the resolution was "unnecessary." Eritrea has often denied backing Sudanese rebels, one of the concerns that led to the resolution.

Sudanese Foreign Minister Ismail on Nov. 11 declined Egypt's offer to mediate between Khartoum and Asmara, but Egypt appears not to be taking "no" for an answer. Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmad Maher, about Nov. 12, met with al-Sadeq al-Mahdi, leader of Sudan's Umma Party, and Eritrean President Issaias Afwerki arrived in Cairo Nov. 12 for talks with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.

According to ArabicNews.com Nov. 16, Afwerki dismissed reports that Eritrea had offered the U.S. port facilities at Massawa for use in moving troops into Iraq; denied there were U.S. pressures on Eritrea not to join the Arab League; and dismissed reports of a growing Israeli presence in Eritrea as "malicious rumors."

Ethiopia Appears To Decline Using Eritrean Ports for Food Delivery

Ethiopia appears to be declining the Eritrean offer to open its ports to get food aid into landlocked Ethiopia. The offer was made by the Eritrean government Nov. 14, which will allow its ports, Assab and Massawa, to be used to transport food aid inland to the millions starving in Ethiopia. The border between Eritrea and Ethiopia has been closed since the 1998-2000 war between them began.

Ethiopian Minister of State for Information Netsanet Asfaw, speaking in Addis Ababa, said her country had adequate port facilities in neighboring countries.

UN officials have said that getting food to Ethiopia without using Assab and Massawa is a logistical nightmare. In the last major famine before the war, more than 80% of aid to Ethiopia passed through Eritrean ports.

Fourteen million people now face a catastrophic famine in Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia—as many as are threatened in southern Africa (see EIR Nov. 15).

British Sabotage Zimbabwean Land Reform

The Zimbabwean banks' refusal to lend money to many farmers, possibly intensifying severe food shortages, is based, in large part, on the resettled farmers not having title deeds, which could serve as security for the loans. The government has told the evicted owners to hand over their titles, but the owners say they will do so when they have been compensated. The key bottleneck is that the British government refuses to honor its 1979 agreement to compensate white landowners.

Banks in Zimbabwe are therefore only lending to white commercial farmers who haven't received eviction notices. The restriction is contributing to national economic collapse, since about 54,000 black Zimbabweans have applied to be settled under the A2 commercial farming scheme. Many of these have already received land.

In an attempt to get around this deadlock, 15 banks led by Syfrets Corporate and Merchant Bank (Sybank), in a scheme worked out with the Reserve Bank and the Ministry of Finance, will issue Z$60 billion (U.S. $4 million) in short-term Agrobills and long-term Agribonds November 26. It is hoped that pension funds, insurance companies, banks and individuals will buy the bonds. But they may not. The Financial Gazette of Harare wrote Nov. 14, "One of the major problems could be the interest. The agri-bond is attracting about 24.47% interest and investors are tired of the low returns on the money market and might not feel inclined to support the bond."

Meanwhile, even if the bond issue were successful, it is coming after the rains have already begun—time is of the essence. According to the Gazette, Sybank "says it has negotiated bridging finance to enable financial institutions to process applications and make loans under the facility from Nov. 12, 'in view of the farmers' urgent need for finance now that the agricultural season has commenced.' "

There is then the problem of the time-taking bureaucratic processing of the applications. And even if the farmers get the money, that doesn't guarantee that they will be able to turn it into inputs and equipment under current conditions. The Gazette noted, "Many growers are still unable to secure tillage services because the government-controlled District Development Fund (DDF) does not have the capacity.... Only 50% of the DDF's tractor fleet is said to be operational, while private contractors are demanding large sums of money.... Farmers are also finding it difficult to buy fertilizer because manufacturers say they are unable to secure foreign currency to import raw materials, especially nitrogen."

In addition to the A2 commercial farming scheme for black farmers, another 300,000 black farmers have been allocated land under the A1 "villagized" scheme, according to the Daily News of Harare Oct. 22. The figures for both schemes contradict the impression conveyed by propaganda articles in major Western media, such as the Washington Post, that only Mugabe's cronies have received land. The Daily News is not a government-controlled newspaper.

Zambia Rejects Genetically Modified Maize

The Zambian government announced Oct. 29 that it has made a "final" decision not to allow the distribution of genetically modified (GM) maize in the country, even if it is milled, and is asking for relief organizations to provide non-GM food. Some African countries have agreed to allow milled GM maize to be distributed, while maintaining the ban on the distribution of whole-kernel GM maize, which could be used for future crop production. Zambia is refusing to do this.

Zambia had sent researchers to South Africa, Belgium, the U.K., and the United States to study whether GM maize is safe. The final report of this study says that the safety of GM maize is not conclusive. Three million people are suffering from famine in Zambia, and the World Food Program says it will be hard to find enough non-GM food for the country.

In mid-October, the European Union, which had previously banned GM foods, adopted strict rules for the approval of GM foods, so that their development and sale could be allowed. Meanwhile, Saqwibo Sikota, leader of the Zambian UPND opposition party, told BBC that there is no scientific evidence that GM food poses a health risk.

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