|This article appears in the December 15, 2000 issue of Executive Intelligence Review.
In the Footsteps of John Quincy Adams:
My Strategy for the Americas
by Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.
November 30, 2000
The combination of the current election crisis inside the
U.S.A., with the immediately ongoing onrush of the greatest, global financial
collapse in all history, has created a situation within the Americas which can
be fairly described in the following words.
I know, from my highly placed informants in the governments,
and in other relevant positions throughout the hemisphere, that we are gripped
presently by a situation, in which none of the present governments of the
Americas, the United States included, has the slightest conception of the
realities which will face their respective nations, six months from now.
Indeed, had the leading circles of the U.S. not been stubbornly ignorant in such
matters, the Presidential candidacies of neither Gov. George W. Bush nor Vice
President Al Gore would have existed on Nov. 7th.
In this situation, a certain unique responsibility has fallen
to me. This obligation includes debt to old friends, such as the late former
President Frondizi of Argentina, among many other old friends who are presently
either deceased or still living, with whom I have shared a common concern in
these and related matters over a period of decades. Recent circumstances,
including the general discredit of my factional adversaries within the U.S.
Democratic Party, and the spectacular vindication of my often rejected warnings
respecting the world's current financial and economic situation, have put into
my hands a special kind of authority, within my own U.S.A., and internationally.
With that added authority, there is a certain accompanying responsibility. It is
their implied will that I speak now of certain matters in a certain
As the only public figure to be seen in any part of the
world, who has accurately forecast publicly, and repeatedly, the exact nature of
the currently onrushing, planet-wide collapse of the existing world monetary
system, I must use the relatively unique knowledge and related political
qualifications typified by that accomplishment, to set before all of the nations
of the Americas a perspective which corresponds to the presently erupting
realities of the situation now confronting each and all among them, my own
crisis-torn U.S.A. included.
On this matter, I have already set forth my designs for
specifically economic and related measures, in published locations which had
been rather widely circulated among leading circles around the world today, if
not the popular mass media. Therefore, to this, my intended present audience, it
were sufficient that I limit myself to focus upon certain extremely urgent
strategic points which were not likely to be presented from other
I begin by viewing the present world situation from the
standpoint of the legacy and also those deeper historical roots of the U.S.
Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which are of urgent relevance for the presently
escalating crisis in the relations among the nations of the Americas.
1.0 The Legacy of the Monroe Doctrine
Granted, all educated political figures of this hemisphere,
are familiar with what has been a troubled continuity in the policy of all
patriots of the U.S.A. toward the other nations of the Americas, since then
Secretary of State John Quincy Adams designed the famous 1823 policy adopted by
President James Monroe, the so-called Monroe Doctrine.
Nonetheless, unfortunately, some well-meaning but ignorant, and also other myth-makers from among the ideologues of Central and South America have polluted the environment of this discussion, by professing themselves to see a malicious intent within the Monroe Doctrine. Those myths have contributed significantly to the advantage of Ibero-America's lusting adversaries. The truth must be emphasized, to clear the air. Without that clearing of the air of such myths, no solution for the current plight of the states of Central and South America were likely. What must be urgently reaffirmed among us is fairly summed up as follows.
It is known to those figures throughout the Americas, that
the Monroe Doctrine was adopted in defiance of the leading European enemies of
both the U.S.A. and of all of the emerging young republics of Central and South
America. These enemies were, chiefly, both the British monarchy and the
Habsburg-denominated forces of the so-called Holy Alliance. Those enemies, in
those same or other disguises, are the only significant enemies of the states of
Central and South America, both within and outside our republics, and inside the
U.S.A. itself, still today.
There are some parts of that legacy of the Monroe Doctrine,
which should have been more or less widely known, and which must be restated
now, as indispensable for defining the basis for relations among the nations of
the hemisphere today. I emphasize these points and their connection to the
The most important of the currently relevant, crucial points
made by Adams, were two. First, the notion that a community of principle was the
proper basis for all relations among the U.S.A. and all of the emerging
republics of the Americas. Second, that although the U.S. refused to degrade
itself to the role of a "cock boat in the wake of a British man of war," in
Britain's neo-colonialist depredations against the emerging republics of the
Americas, the U.S.A. did not have the power, at that time, to challenge
Britain's predatory practices directly with military force. However, as soon as
the U.S. had such power, there should be an enforced end to the role of both
Habsburg-denominated and British imperial ambitions in the affairs of all parts
of the Americas.
The United States' violation of its own fundamental principle
and treaty-law, as that principle is expressed by the Monroe Doctrine, in
supporting the British monarchy in the Malvinas War of 1982, is the watershed
from which the presently ongoing, recent ruin of both the U.S.A. and the nations
to its south, has been brought about.
I address leading points concerning the second of those two
points, and, after that, turn to the first.
1.1 The War Between Patriots and Treason Inside the U.S.A.
Admittedly, the treasonous faction, of combined Wall Street
and slaveholder interests in the U.S.A. itself, such as the leadership of the
U.S. Democratic Party of Presidents Jackson, van Buren, Polk, Pierce, and
Buchanan, had followed a policy contrary to the Monroe Doctrine. That Party was
the leading adversary of a contrary, patriotic tradition maintained by the
circles of John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, the Careys, and Abraham Lincoln,
through and beyond 1848, continuing from Lincoln's Presidency until the election
of Wall Street Democrat Grover Cleveland as President.
Unfortunately, even after Lincoln's great, hard-fought
victory over the British monarchy's puppet, the Confederacy, those Democratic
and Republican parties' factions representing the same alliance of Wall Street
and slaveholder traditions, as typified, in more recent times, by Presidents
Cleveland, Wilson, Coolidge, Nixon, Carter, and Bush, have represented a return
to the same implicitly treasonous policies as the leadership of the Democratic
Party of the period prior to Lincoln's victory. With the exception of the
Presidencies of Presidents Franklin Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy, the
treasonous faction's policies had prevailed since that 1901 assassination of
President William McKinley which brought the British Fabian Society-linked
Theodore Roosevelt into the Presidency.
During the Twentieth Century, the resumption of the policies
of Adams, Monroe, and Lincoln, characterized the famous "Good Neighbor Policy"
and the solemn treaty-agreements established under a great patriot of the
U.S.A., President Franklin Roosevelt. Franklin Roosevelt's policy was revived,
once again, if briefly, by President John F. Kennedy's "Alliance for
Any competent diplomatic or other assessment of U.S. foreign
policy today, must be premised on understanding the following turn back to
pro-racist and neo-liberal policies in the U.S. today.
Unfortunately, in the aftermath of the successful assassination of President Kennedy, the revival of the racist legacy of Presidents Cleveland, Theodore Roosevelt, and Ku Klux Klan enthusiast Woodrow Wilson, took over once again. This latter turn began with the 1966 launching of former Vice President Richard Nixon's partnership with the Ku Klux Klan and kindred types, the 1966 launching of the Nixon "Southern Strategy." The assumption of the Presidency by Jimmy Carter, expressed the process of takeover over the Democratic Party's dominant machinery, by forces of the same ideological composition, and with the same orientation as the Nixon Southern Strategy.
Since the establishment of the "Southern Strategy's"
top-down, Tweedledee-Tweedledum control over the machines of both leading
parties, with the 1982 installation of Project Democracy and U.S. violation of
the Rio and other treaties in the case of the Malvinas War, the policies of the
U.S.A. toward the other states of the Americas has returned fully to the
tradition of such British agents and U.S. traitors as that uncle and political
mentor of Theodore Roosevelt, Captain James Bulloch, the notorious Caribbean
filibusterer who became the head of the Confederate intelligence service based
Especially since 1989, U.S. policy toward the Americas has
become worse than even the earlier overt treason to the hemisphere by Theodore
Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson.
The current policy is based on the Nazi-like, Malthusian
population doctrines, such as the notorious U.S. NSSM-200, which had been set
forth in 1974 by then Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, or the
pro-drug-legalization policies, copied from Lord Palmerston's China policy,
which are gutting the nations of Ibero-America today. That is already bad, but
it is far worse.
With the collapse of Soviet power which ricocheted from the
1989 collapse of the East German Honecker regime, the Anglo-American forces,
represented at that time by British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, France's
President François Mitterrand, and U.S. President George Bush, reduced
other members of the NATO alliance rapidly to the lowest rank of satrapy status,
as was done with Mrs. Thatcher's "Desert Storm" war against Iraq. These former
NATO allies were dumped into the status of virtual colonial subjects of an
English-speaking, global tyranny. Nazi-like Malthusian policies consistent with
those of Kissinger's NSSM-200, and of the British monarchy's Prince Philip and
Prince Charles, are currently the hegemonic policies of today's collapsing,
English-speaking world empire.
Thus, a pro-Malthusian, virtual world-dictatorship, was established by the relevant English-speaking powers, with the U.S. operating as the designated chief military policeman, the British monarchy's perennial "dumb giant," the rule which Mrs. Thatcher applied to her lackey, U.S. President George Bush. This was done under the virtual merger of the state authorities of the U.S.A. with the British monarchy's personal state properties, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. The result has been the establishment, under the Romantic slogan of "globalization," of a virtual new, world-wide Roman Empire, one based on the virtual merger of the relevant, sundry state and supranational bureaucracies with a global rentier-financier oligarchical interest.
Now, slightly more than ten years since the
Thatcher-Mitterrand-Bush actions setting up that new empire, that empire is now
in the process of disintegrating. The Presidential election-crisis which erupted
inside the U.S.A. on Nov. 7, 2000, can not be competently understood except in
those terms of reference.
Like all doomed empires of the past, this one tends to be
most savage, most ruthless, and most dangerous for the short term, at the moment
it is dying, when its ruling circles become increasingly desperate, increasingly
incompetent, and increasingly decadent. It is in these circumstances that we
have reached the point, that, of all of the nations of Central and South
America, at this moment of global crisis, only Brazil still retains a
significant, if dwindling amount of its sovereign authority in its own
Such are today's relevant highlights of the past, often ugly,
even murderous policies of the U.S.A.'s Wall Street-led factions toward the
states of Central and South America.
For Ibero-America, a collapse of that power would come as a
blessing, if that were the extent of the damage. However, for the U.S.A. and its
people, too, a crash of that imperial power would be no calamity, provided that
were the extent of the damage. On the good side, it would be the opportunity for
us to resume our ancient sovereignty and freedom, liberated from the beast which
a usurping, tyrannical alliance between a now hopelessly bankrupt Wall Street
and its racist Southern Strategy confederates, has put upon our backs, as also
upon yours. In such a circumstance, it would be our patriots' more or less
automatic impulse to return to the principles exemplified by the Monroe
Doctrine. Only a profound crisis could bring about such a change, but that would
be only typical of the way great changes, for better or for worse, have usually
That would provide us the opportunity to make the necessary
changes, but the changes we must make must be the proper choice.
Taking into account all of the many, and vast uncertainties
which the presently ongoing world-wide, and presently inevitable financial
collapse brings upon the world, one thing is absolutely certain: Nearly
everything is about to change in the most sweeping way. What remains undecided,
is whether the changes will be for the better, or very much for the worse. The
only important question, is whether this present crisis is the beginning of a
global renaissance of civilization, or the onset of a planet-wide new dark age
to last for a generation or more to come.
Any contrary view of the present situation, in any part of
the Americas, is a delusion.
1.2 Five Centuries in the Americas
Throughout Central and South America, many silly things have
been often said about the great Yankee republic to the north. Now, we have
reached the point, that all such silly myths must be pushed to one side,
because, under the world economic conditions determined by the present global
financial collapse, unless we can bring the U.S.A. to play the kind of role
which John Quincy Adams defined in his drafting of the Monroe Doctrine, there is
no realistic hope for any among the states of the Americas during the decades
There is a certain specific uniqueness in the coming into
being of the U.S.A. during 1776-1789. The U.S. is an historical exception, but
not of the kind President Theodore Roosevelt's myth-makers claimed it to be. The
key to the actual historical exception, the great benefit to all humanity, in
the creation of the U.S. republic, is specifically the following.
Following the terrible New Dark Age of Europe's Fourteenth
Century, a great Renaissance erupted in Fifteenth-Century Europe, a Golden
Renaissance based upon the Christian adoption of the legacy of Classical Greece
and the work of Plato, a renaissance typified by the work and influence of the
greatest single figure of that century, the Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa who had
played a crucial organizing role in bringing into being the great ecumenical
Council of Florence, and whose work founded the modern sovereign nation-state
and established the principles of experimental physical science from which
modern scientific and technological progress received its impetus.
Among the great causes to which that great Cardinal
contributed a key role, was the establishment of new nations in the Americas.
Through the work of Cusa and his close associates, great voyages of
evangelization were launched, to the purpose of reaching across the great oceans
to the peoples in lands beyond. The work of Christopher Columbus was directly a
product of the encouragement, and technical assistance from the immediate
circles of Cusa, and of the collaborators and other supporters of Cusa's efforts
in Italy, Portugal, and Spain. From this seed, sent out from Italy's
Fifteenth-Century Renaissance, the Americas acquired the premises for what John
Quincy Adams defined as the community of principle underlying the 1823 Monroe
No competent statesman today will deny, ignore, or belittle
the fact, that the modern sovereign nation-state republic first came into
existence, brought forth by the circles of Cusa, during that Fifteenth Century,
and that this form of state was a revolutionary change in all existing world
history up to that time. When the leaders of that renaissance were prevented
from establishing such a republic in Italy, they established the first modern
nation-state in Louis XI's France, and the second in Henry VII's England.
Spain's Queen Isabella I contributed a special role in spreading this revolution
into the Americas. It was in that century, thus, that a new principle of
statecraft was established in the world, the notion that, under natural law, no
government has legitimate authority to rule except as it is efficiently
committed to promote what is known by names such as the general welfare, or
common good, for all of the people and their posterity.
The idea that the world must be governed by a community of
sovereign nation-state republics based on that principle, had been set forth in
Nicholas of Cusa's Concordantia Catholica. The principle of
scientific progress was introduced to Europe during the period of the great
Florence Council, by Cusa's De Docta Ignorantia, the work on which
the subsequent development of all valid modern science has been premised. The
combination of these two policies, of the sovereign nation-state republic based
on a commitment to promotion of the general welfare through the indispensable
means of scientific and technological progress, has been the essence of every
success in service of the common good, in the development of morally acceptable
forms of nation-states among the nations of the Americas, from Columbus'
discovery, to the present day.
From the beginning, this great revolution in statecraft and
public morality had powerful adversaries, within Europe, and, soon, within the
Americas. These adversaries were none other than the tools of that old feudal
order which had plunged Europe into the terrible New Dark Age of the Fourteenth
Century: the combination of the forces of a feudalism based upon the heritage of
pagan Roman law and the quality of rentier-financier oligarchy typified by a
Venice which had risen to the status of a hegemonic form of imperial maritime
power during the early Thirteenth Century.
These latter forces, the enemies of the Renaissance, sought
to crush the benefits of the Fifteenth-Century Renaissance by the most hideous
of weapons, the orchestration of the recurring religious warfare concocted and
directed by Venice, from the early years of the Sixteenth Century, until the
1648 Treaty of Westphalia.
Under these circumstances of the Sixteenth through Eighteenth
Centuries, the possibility of maintaining forms of nation-states such as those
seen for a time in Louis XI's France and Henry VII's England, virtually vanished
from Europe, until the brief period of leadership of France by Cardinal Mazarin
and his associate Jean-Baptiste Colbert.
Under the conditions thus prevailing in Europe, the immediate
hope for building truly sovereign nation-state republics, lay in the colonies in
the Americas. Despite the blessed impulses of Emperor Joseph II, for reason of
the combined overreach of British and Habsburg power into the Americas, it was
only in the English-speaking colonies of North America that the establishment of
a republic became possible during the course of the Eighteenth Century, despite
notable, frustrated efforts to do so elsewhere. From the middle of the
Eighteenth Century, until the British Foreign Office-directed Paris event of
July 14, 1789, all of the leading intellectual forces of continental Europe were
rallied either in support, or significant sympathy for the cause of Benjamin
Franklin's efforts to bring such a republic into being.
That trace, from the Fifteenth-Century Renaissance and its
great ecumenical Council of Florence, is, in essentials, the true nature of the
historical exception which can and must be attributed to the U.S. 1776-1783 War
of Independence, the Benjamin Franklin-directed Declaration of Independence, and
to the Preamble of the U.S. 1789 Constitution.
Then the Jacobin Terror of 1789-1794, which had been
directed, from the beginning, by Jeremy Bentham's British Foreign Office, had
stripped the young U.S. republic of its chief powerful ally, France: a France
fallen prey to that first modern fascist, Napoleon Bonaparte, who had become the
new tyrannical Caesar of continental Europe, was our mortal enemy. In that
circumstance, for a time, the U.S.A. was condemned to that terrible state of
combined menace and isolation from friends, against which U.S. President George
Washington had warned, as the reason to avoid entanglements in the internal
affairs of a Europe in such a condition, at that time.
So, the U.S.A. found itself in the period following the
Congress of Vienna, a period in which the forces of Metternich's Holy Alliance
and Bentham's British monarchy were determined, in common, to conquer and ruin
the emerging nations of both North and South America. It was in this period,
that forces led by President James Monroe, Speaker of the U.S. House of
Representatives Henry Clay, Mathew Carey, and others, formulated that new
strategic outlook for all of the Americas which was expressed in what is known
as the Monroe Doctrine.
Since that time, all intelligent and informed patriots of the
U.S.A. have regarded the unity of interest among the republics of the Americas
as the first line of security for each of those republics.
Respecting the politics of the U.S.A. over the period since,
the chief source of deviation from the long-range strategic principle set forth
in the 1823 Monroe Doctrine, has been the recurring ascent to leading power
within the U.S. by two packs of treasonous rascals, the unholy combination of
the Wall Street rentier-oligarchical interest represented by British Foreign
Office asset Aaron Burr of the Bank of Manhattan, and the slaveholder interest
represented by the Confederacy created in the U.S. by the Mazzini Young America
association of Jeremy Bentham's successor, Lord Palmerston. That was the
interest against which President Lincoln led the greatest war in U.S.A. history,
the Civil War, the treasonous interest represented by U.S. Presidents Grover
Cleveland, Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, Calvin Coolidge, and, since the
launching of the racist alliance called the "Southern Strategy," by Richard
Nixon, Jimmy Carter, and George Bush. That latter alliance of Wall Street and
racist currents, is the interest represented, however poorly, by candidates
George W. Bush and Al Gore today.
These are the forces from within the U.S.A. against which all patriots of the republics of Central and South America should be warned today; this is the anaconda whose loving embrace is to be avoided by those who prefer to remain among the living.
As it should be evident to all knowledgeable figures of the
Americas today, a strong partnership between the patriots of the U.S.A. and the
republics of Central and South America, is the first line of defense of the
national security of each. Without the role of the U.S.A. as a partner of the
kind prescribed by the Monroe Doctrine, the security of each and every other
nation of the Americas would remain in doubt at any time a strategically
perilous state of affairs existed in the world at large. The experience of the
recent two hundred years has demonstrated this, repeatedly, to be the case, up
to the present moment.
What I have thus just summarized as that lesson from history,
must be the bedrock of U.S. foreign policy and related practice, and must be so
understood by the patriots of every other nation of the Americas. As for the
rest of the world, if we in the Americas adopt policies by which we do good on
one another's behalf, the world at large has nothing to fear from us.
Thus, the birth of the sovereign U.S. republic in the
Americas, was hailed by all of the greatest poets and others of Europe as the
establishment of a new state which would function as "a temple of liberty and
beacon of hope for all mankind." Those of us who know the actual history of the
recent five centuries of today's globally extended modern European civilization,
know that this achievement was the fruit of a great revolution in statecraft,
and in the condition of mankind, which was begun within Italy as the great
Fifteenth-Century Golden Renaissance. This was not an achievement which sprang
from the soil or other internal circumstances of the North American continent;
it was a gift bestowed upon, and entrusted to the thus-imperilled U.S.A., by all
that was good in the full extent of European civilization.
2. The Defense of the Americas
A great issue was resolved in principle by the Golden Renaissance and its promotion of the modern sovereign form of nation-state republic. With the establishment of France under Louis XI as the first modern nation-state, a form of society was set into motion on the principle of the general welfare. The first duty of such a state, as Louis XI pursued that goal, was to end the kind of political system in which the majority of the subject population were degraded to the status of virtual human cattle. Notably, this policy is directly opposite to the evil, pro-feudalist doctrine of the later Enlightenment's notorious Dr. François Quesnay and other Physiocrats, which proposed to perpetuate forever the status of serfs as that of inhuman cattle.
Thus, from the beginning, the adversarial relationship which
existed between the U.S. republic, on the one side, and the British monarchy
and, excepting Austria's Joseph II and his like, the Habsburg interests, on the
other, was an irreconcilable difference of principle respecting the distinction
between human beings and cattle. Although Christ's mission, like that of such
notable Apostles as John and Paul, redeemed all persons as made equally in the
image of the Creator of the universe, that Christian principle was systemically
violated in practice by the pagan Roman and Byzantine law, such as the law of
the Emperor Diocletian. This same violation was the essence of a medieval
European tradition of feudalism premised upon the legacy of Romantic
The feudal and other oligarchical interests of Europe
professed themselves Christian, but, in the practice of statecraft, they were
chiefly all, like Bernard Mandeville, Adam Smith, and their present-day
followers, theologically bogomils at heart.
It was only through the impact of the organizing around the
Council of Florence, that a revolutionary new form of society came into being,
one in which no government had the legitimate authority to rule, except as it
efficiently served the principle of the general welfare.
From the beginning, even prior to the Fifteenth-Century
Renaissance, the enemy of mankind has been what was known to ancient times as
"the oligarchical principle." Under that principle, the power to establish law
was conferred on either an emperor, as typified by the pagan Roman doctrine of
Pontifex Maximus, or some agency performing that same function. Even kings were
mere agents of such a supreme imperial or kindred lawgiver. Such was the
prevalent understanding of law under feudalism, and has been the basis for
similar perversions under systems of financier-oligarchical rule, up to the
This point of law is crucial for understanding the conflict
which has dominated globally extended modern European society from the
beginning. The pivotal issue is the matter of the definitions of the nature of
the human individual and of mankind, under law. That is, therefore, the
fundamental issue in defining law itself.
The primary question of all statecraft, is: What is the
nature of the human individual? In other words, is man simply a talking species
of beast, or does the human individual possess an inborn quality which sets him
or her absolutely apart from, and above all beasts? The axiomatic quality of
answer given to that most fundamental of all questions of law and statecraft, is
the only legitimate basis for what is called natural law, the law to which all
other law must be subordinated.
That is the fundamental moral issue which separates all
Christians, for example, from Malthusians such as Vice President Al Gore and
former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger. Without making that distinction,
law itself is degraded intrinsically to that condition of Hobbesian swinishness
which Kissinger praised so effusively in his celebrated London Chatham House
address on what the well-informed patriots of Central and South America will
recall as having been the notable occasion of May 10, 1982.
That is the fundamental moral issue expressed by the
present-day U.S. violations of the natural human rights of the nations and
persons of Central and South America. This conception is essential to defining
functionally durable and equitable partnership among the American republics.
That notion of law is the only truly efficient definition of a workable
definition of common strategic interest.
On this and related premises, we must adopt a clear image of
the uniqueness of the legacy of anti-Malthusian, or natural law, which we have
inherited as a gift from the Fifteenth-Century Renaissance birth of modern
European civilization. This image must be the axiomatic premise of a durable
form of urgently needed new alliance among the republics of the
2.1 A Needed Doctrine of Natural Law
Our task at this perilous moment, is not to negotiate a new
treaty-agreement among states of the Americas, but the more modest, but
nonetheless indispensable task, of defining among ourselves the nature of those
principles of law which we intend should be the goal and clearly understood
intent of those kinds of agreements we hope to bring into being.
By intent of law, I mean close attention to the Apostle
Paul's I Corinthians 13, for example, where the Christian
appreciation of Plato's doctrine of agape is stated. This is to
be read against the background of the debate over the issues of truthfulness and
justice among the figures Socrates, Glaucon, and Thrasymachus, in what is
recognized more widely today by the title of Plato's Republic.
This notion of law, as set forth by Paul, goes much further, much deeper than
the rather vulgarized definitions of "caritas," or "charity," too
commonly encountered today. In first approximation, agape
requires the notion that no law can be enforced which violates the absolute
obligation of the state to promote the general welfare (common good) of all of
the people and their posterity. No law which might compel the state to violate,
or overlook that consideration, is enforceable under natural law; any contrary
law must be nullified for that occasion, by authority of the natural law. This
is the great principle of Christian principle from which the Fifteenth-Century
founding of the then-revolutionary new kind of institution, the modern sovereign
nation-state, was premised.
First of all, we statesmen and others of the Americas, must
clarify our agreement on the implications of this principle of natural law. For
that purpose, I merely summarize here the exposition which I have supplied in
extant published locations.
The notion that man and woman are each made equally in the
image of the Creator of the universe, is often taught as received doctrine. It
is also a scientific fact. The scientific proof is centered in the repeated
demonstration, that the perfectly sovereign cognitive powers of the human
individual, are the only means by which an experimentally validatable universal
physical principle can be discovered, or the act of its discovery replicated in
the mind of a student. It is through this means, and only this means, that the
human species can accomplish what no other species can replicate, the willful
increase of the potential relative population-density of the human species as a
When mankind acts in that way, we demonstrate that the
universe is so pre-designed, that it is predisposed to obey man's will when man
issues a validated discovery of universal physical principle as a demand upon
that universe. Thus we know, with scientific certainty, that man is made in the
image of the Creator of the universe, and is supplied, thus, the imperative to
act accordingly, to change the universe in ways which the principle of
On account of such evidence, we are obliged, even by
scientific evidence as such, to set all individual persons absolutely apart from
and above all other living species. This also obliges us to treat our fellow
human-beings in a certain way, in a manner cohering with the notion of
agape as a universal, highest principle of natural law. This
informs us that there exists but one human race, that which shares this
absolute, inborn distinction of the newborn human individual from all other
living species. This informs us that we are required to provide for such persons
by forms of education, and other care, suitable to this nature. We are also
required to express that creative power which defines our species as the leading
quality of our actions upon the universe, and actions bearing upon the human
condition, most emphatically.
This pits the natural law not only against the Adolf Hitlers
of the world, but also the followers of the dogma of Malthus, Bertrand Russell,
the late Margaret Mead, Norbert Wiener, John von Neumann, and Vice President
The principle is elementary, but not simple. It is elementary
in the same general sense that all valid discoveries of universal physical
principle are both elementary and universal. It is a principle which penetrates
everything, everywhere, yet it is never simple.
Thus, on account of that principle of natural law, the state
is obliged to act, and states are rightly obliged to act with respect to one
We of the Americas, share a vast and richly endowed
territory, with vast areas awaiting development according to the principle of
law known as agape. Together with such regions as the desert
areas of the continent of Australia, and the vast sparsely populated regions of
central and north Asia, we of this hemisphere share one of the great
treasure-houses of all humanity. Thus, that development of that treasure which
some among us might lack the means to develop adequately, must be made available
in a timely way to the nation within whose sovereignty it lies. In this category
of cooperation among sovereigns, lie certain great infrastructure-development
projects, which can not be installed except through cooperation of various
The planet as a whole faces certain needs which could not be
satisfied by each acting as one nation alone. The combat against epidemic and
pandemic deadly infections, is such a case. Also, the development of exploration
of nearby space, to discover the principles by means of which we might control
the cycles of glaciation, meteoric destruction, and so on, of life on this
planet, are missions of common interest to all humanity, beyond any one nation,
which nations must cooperate in ensuring are accomplished. Similarly, the right
to share access to all scientific and related knowledge, is, as Cardinal
Nicholas of Cusa emphasized, a natural-law right and obligation of each
2.2 The Sovereign Nation-State
Anyone who has been surprised, by stepping with a bare foot
on a jellyfish on the beach, might be reminded of the emotion evoked by meeting
with what one had assumed to be a sane and urbane member of modern civilization,
who suddenly turns our stomach with the proposal that the elimination of the
sovereign nation-state is a desirable goal for policy-shaping today. The sand on
that beach had seemed so pleasant to the touch, until that thing expressed its
We have come to a time, throughout the world, at which
virtually every central banking system of the world, including the U.S. Federal
Reserve System, is not merely bankrupt, but hopelessly so. There is no possible
way, in which the world's currently outstanding nominal debt, could possibly
ever be paid. Hundreds of trillions of U.S. dollar-equivalents, must be abruptly
written off, or placed in frozen, non-interest-bearing accounts, pending future
disposition in bankruptcy-proceedings. The problem is, that if we do not write
off, or freeze most of the outstanding financial-capital claims extant in the
world today, the world as a whole will collapse into a protracted new dark age,
in which it were likely that economic breakdown and related effects would bring
the world's total population down to levels approximately those of more than 600
The only action which could prevent the present global
financial collapse from producing that outcome, is certain qualities of action
which can be taken only by perfectly sovereign individual nation-states. These
actions include, the power of the sovereign government to put bankrupt
institutions through government-directed bankruptcy reorganization, and to
generate large masses of newly created credit, deployed through national banking
methods of a Hamiltonian type, to suddenly increase levels of useful employment,
rather than allow a collapse of employment and of essential services.
The principal emergency action which we must therefore hope
that the sovereign governments of the hemisphere will adopt, at the moment the
now inevitable, early collapse, the biggest in history, erupts, is just that.
This kind of emergency action must occur not only within nations, but in rapidly
expanding hard-commodity trade among nations, with special emphasis upon lines
of trade within the hemisphere.
The first line of defense on this account, will include
emergency forms of protectionist measures to reverse recent downward trends in
food production, and vast expansion of investment in the basic economic
infrastructure, such as transportation, power, water management, sanitation,
education, and health-care, on which a general economic growth, in real terms,
During the coming year, and during the coming five to ten
years beyond that, without emergency, forced-draft economic reconstruction and
expansion along such lines, many nations would not survive, even biologically.
Without international cooperation among sovereign governments, along such lines,
the otherwise manageable economic crisis immediately before us will not be
The practical measures implicit in those immediately
preceding observations, constitute the pivots on which needed immediate changes
in the relations among the states of the Americas must be premised, as matters
Such are among the leading measures which ought to be the
current basis for dialogue among relevant leading circles within and among
nations of the hemisphere. The agenda for dialogue so implied, should be the
concrete topic around which we hasten to define the practical side of the
approach to making the Monroe Doctrine's definition of a community of principle
clear, concrete, and practical.
To make feasible the accomplishment of the other things we
must settle in common among the sovereign nations of this hemisphere, is the
development of the kinds of philosophical cooperation among statesmen and
others, through which we may generate the needed degree of comprehension of
deeper principles which is essential, in turn, for establishing a common intent
for pursuit of common purposes, and the ecumenical resolution of what might
appear to be difficult philosophical differences.