The Great Crash of 2005
by Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.
Here is Lyndon LaRouche's keynote address at the International Caucus of Labor Committees/Schiller Institute annual Presidents' Day conference on Feb. 20, 2005.
Some people wonder why, at my not-really-venerable age, that I sometimes do the things I do, which they suggest might be left to younger people. And the rude answer I give to that, is, younger people are not qualified to do what I have to do.
Typical is the case, as we went through this last year's convention and what followed up to the present time. We started a campaign, in which we were excluded by the Democratic Party and others from the start. It was highly unlawful on their part, totally undemocratic, in fact, destructive, and corrupt. But I said, "We're going to do it." So some people among us, who unfortunately belong to a slightly younger generation than mine, said, "Let's be practical. Let's not gamble so much on this. Let's be practical. Let's manage things more calmly. Let's not be frantic. Let's not push too hard."
My response is, that we are at the last chance to save civilization from Hell, a last chance which I have been forecasting with accuracy over several decades, and most emphatically, since the period 1968-1971, and there are some alive in this room today, who can remember that. That the system is finished. The United States saved the world, under Roosevelt—otherwise we'd been in Hell a long time ago.
But Franklin Roosevelt saved the world: Franklin Roosevelt went back to the roots of the American System of political-economy, which was the tradition of his ancestor Isaac Roosevelt, the banker of New York, who was an ally of Alexander Hamilton. Roosevelt was a spokesman for the American Revolution and its tradition, and those who attacked him were the enemies of the United States, whether they intended that, or knew that, or not.
Roosevelt saved the United States from becoming fascist. The United States would have become fascist in the middle of the 1930s, but for Franklin Roosevelt's election, and the actions he took, beginning the day he entered office in March of 1933.
He saved the United States. He saved our system. And what he did saved the world from fascist conquest. There are three key points in that fight. One is Winston Churchill—who was not a good person—but he was a greedy person, who did not believe that the British Empire should be turned over to Adolf Hitler. On every other point of importance, he agreed sentimentally and philosophically with Adolf Hitler. He was just a different variety of the same species.
But the first step toward defeating Hitler, otherwise, during the war came when our dear friend Winston Churchill appealed to Franklin Roosevelt in 1940, to enter into a scheme to prevent the British Empire from being taken over by the Nazis, in the case the invasion of Britain by Nazi forces should occur. That agreement was the first step toward the defeat of Nazism. The second step, apart from the entry into the war by the United States, was the defeat of the Nazi forces at Stalingrad in the Soviet Union, and by the Soviet Union, which was done with cooperation and assistance from the United States, at that point. The third thing, which sealed the potential doom of Hitler, was the Battle of Midway, where an American vastly-outnumbered naval force defeated the Japanese Navy. And thus, created a situation in which the United States was the leading factor in a two-front war against the Nazi forces.
And our logistical strength, which was built up under Roosevelt—through anti-Hoover measures, through anti-Coolidge measures, through anti-Greenspan measures, through anti-Bush measures—gave us the great logistical strength, such that the American soldier, who was poorly trained, having been recently recruited to that job, entered the field of battle; where the enemy had hundreds of pounds, the American soldier had tons of logistical materiel to support him. It was that vast superiority in logistics and materiel, made possible by Roosevelt's recovery of the United States from the Coolidge-Hoover Depression, which saved the United States from Nazism.
The Real Nazis
Now, Nazism was not people wearing swastikas in brown shirts or black shirts. Nazism was a creation of a group of international bankers, like Felix Rohatyn today, and his co-thinkers today; like the co-thinkers of the Bush Administration in economic policy today. Notably like George Shultz, who qualifies, really, as a kind of Schacht of the United States: a real Nazi, a real banker behind Nazism, as Schacht was a banker behind Nazism in Europe.
This is presently, already, in political character, this government, this administration, is already a fascist government, a fascist regime. Unless it is defeated, unless it is defeated before it consolidates its position and role in the world, as we've seen since Sept. 11, 2001, the world will go into a fascist spiral, worse than Nazism, from which civilized humanity would not emerge for generations yet to come. No part of this planet could survive—including China, including India—could survive a collapse of the United States under present conditions.
And I had to stop it. I had to be the equivalent of Franklin Roosevelt. Because there was nobody else in a leading position in the United States, or otherwise, who was qualified to do what I had to do.
Therefore, I had to put myself in a position where the processes about us would put me in the position, potentially, of providing the leadership needed to move this nation off its previous course, its previously habituated course, to adopt the kind of policies, and policy changes, the kinds of initiatives which I understood had to be made.
Therefore, I was ruthless, as ruthless as required, and as ruthless toward myself, as toward others around me, and toward the Democratic Party and its leadership, and other relevant institutions: Because, I knew that what I knew had to be done, had to be done! And the penalty would be the extinction of civilization on this planet, for some time to come. So I pushed myself. I pushed my organization, over their strong objections and even attempts at sabotage, in order to get the campaign going for the year 2004, the way I did. I pushed against all opposition, though there was some successful sabotage in the process, naturally. I pushed against all opposition, to have us march into Boston, in the Boston [Democratic] Convention. There, by doing what I forced upon the organization (with the support of some of us), but over the objections of many, I forced the situation, so that we were in a position of leadership within the Democratic Party, from the time of that convention onward. It worked!
The opponents of this were wrong! They were not only intellectually wrong, they were morally wrong. Because they had a different agenda, than recognizing the need was to prevent now what Roosevelt made it possible to stop in 1939 on.
That's the situation we're in today. I pushed. I pushed. We succeeded in getting a secure position in the leadership of the Kerry campaign, in our contribution to that effort. It worked. Kerry may have been elected, actually, by an honest count. We don't know. But we know the fraud machine of the Nazi regime, the "Rubber Room Regime" of President George Bush—Rubber Room means the Oval Office, there are no corners on which he can hurt himself.
We came to the point that the election was being counted. Suddenly, people lost their nerve! We stepped in. We turned the situation around. We got a fighting organization going, in the Democratic Party. On Nov. 9, I delivered a webcast, which changed the dynamic in the Democratic Party, and put us on the road in the direction toward victory. It worked. And so it went, through December. And so it went, with my trip to Europe, and so it went along the way.
We have pushed for the kind of leadership I knew we needed to prevent this planet from falling into the hands of the friends of George Shultz, who represent a sort of a stupid version of Hjalmar Schacht, but nonetheless one who could not establish a world Nazi empire, but could establish a world of chaos, from which civilization would not recover for a long time to come.
The U.S. Must Take Leadership
Take for example: There were some people in the world, who think that if the United States under Bush were to collapse, that would be a good thing! Because then, geniuses in Europe would suddenly take leadership, and the world would be better. There are no such geniuses in Europe! That China, as a nation of the future, would triumph from the collapse of the United States—bunk! The collapse of the U.S., the collapse of the U.S. dollar, would cause a crisis in China from it could not really survive. The same is true for India and the rest of the world. The United States, again, because of something embedded in its history, in its character, must again take the leadership, and prevent this crisis from going to its full extent.
And I'm in the center of it. I have to keep pushing: Because I have the knowledge, the understanding, to do what needs to be done. I have lived my life—as I can say, looking backwards—I have lived my life for these days, these older days in my existence. This, in future history, will be acknowledged as the immortal purpose of my life: To save civilization. To provide a kind of leadership which can not be found, an ingredient of leadership anywhere on this planet, except in me. I have to do it.
Now, I'm not trying to convey the idea that there's something terribly wrong with me, physically. There is not. What happened is, between the 10th, 11th, and 12th of December past, until about this time, I have abused myself massively, in doing things from which I should have refrained, if my good health had been my primary concern. But my primary concern is my immortality, and not my mortality. You defend yourself against mortality, but your purpose lies not within the bounds of mortality. Your purpose lies within what is immortal in you. And what is immortal in each of us, is our mission.
For example, the typical mission is that of the scientific discoverer. The scientific discoverer makes a discovery of universal physical principle, contrary to prevailing opinion prior to that point. The discoverer goes on, and transmits that discovery, or knowledge of that discovery to others, by invoking the experience of the generation of that discovery in others. These discoveries, like the discoveries of Archimedes of Syracuse, for students today; or Archytas of Tarentum, also, similarly.
These discoveries of principle—the discoveries of music, the principles of music by Johann Sebastian Bach—these are discoveries, which, through their replication from generation to generation, from mortal being to mortal being, establish the person who makes these discoveries and transmits them, or engages in transmitting them, as having achieved immortality. Because their contribution to humanity, is now a perfect contribution to humanity, a contribution to the perfection of the human species; to bring humanity to a higher level, through sharing of these kinds of discoveries, of which only a human being can make, from one generation to the next.
And we have, each, in the course of our life, if we have a meaningful life, to find out what it is, that is our immortality. And we dedicate ourselves to that immortality. It is on this account, for example, that last year, in the Martin Luther King celebration, where Amelia and I had a good time, that I presented the case of Martin Luther King, as comparable to that of Jeanne d'Arc. Martin, unlike other leaders of the civil rights movement, at that level, understood that he was putting his life on the line, for his mission, for his immortality. Other people who belong to a generation which has become more corrupt—and I shall deal with that—didn't have the strength to stick with the fight, and to continue it the way Martin did.
The New York Teacher's Strike
Let's take a little specific part of our experience as an organization: Tony Papert, who also sits in this room, was sitting in Low Library, Columbia University, with a bunch of strange creatures, in a strike movement which was a reflection, in part, of the civil rights movement, then under the leadership of Martin Luther King. There was, at the same time, a bunch of scared bunnies meeting down in the Sheeps' Meadow (an appropriate place for them) in Central Park, who weren't willing to participate in that fight directly.
But then, Martin was killed. What happened? Suddenly, Martin dead, McGeorge Bundy of the Ford Foundation pulled his trick out of the bag. Earlier, the teachers union, the United Federation of Teachers in New York, had entered a collaboration with the Ford Foundation under Bundy, for a program ostensibly to promote the improved well-being of students in education in New York City. What happened then, after Martin had been killed, is that the leaders who had been drawn into the civil rights movement, suddenly became thieves, determined to loot the education system of New York, in order to provide jobs and special grants for themselves. And they organized a strike, an attack, an attempted race riot, against the teachers of New York City.
Well, who were these teachers? Now, Al Shanker, the head of the United Federation of Teachers, was a Schachtmanite—it's a strange species of leftist, which I wouldn't demand that you study. But, he represented something more. And the teachers union of New York City represented something much more than Al Shanker (who was not all bad): They represented a group of people, in New York, who had been the leading supporters of the civil rights movement, as typified by Martin Luther King. These were people who came from the background of the Eastern Europe Jewry, who were the foremost factor in support, in rallying support to the civil rights movement.
So, now you have, Martin is dead. And people who should have been part of the civil rights movement, as African-Americans, had turned from being part of the civil rights movement, into the "I Wanna Steal for Me Movement," stealing from their closest ally, the Jewish teachers of New York, who had been the first and foremost, from New York City, in defending and promoting the civil rights cause around Martin Luther King.
It was in that way, that the civil rights movement degenerated. And never became, to this day again, what it was then. It became a "what can you get for me?" "where do I get my money from?" movement. Not a movement for humanity, not a movement for immortality, but a movement for the mortality of cash-in-pocket. And that's what killed the civil rights movement.
It was that kind of change, in the United States, after the death of Martin, which led into the demoralization, the decadence, the disgusting decadence, of the culture of the United States up to this point. We lost morality. We got Nixon, as a result of such a change, because there was no movement any more. There was a movement in name, but not in fact, not in motion.
So then, we got August 1971: Shultz, of the Chicago School. We got the Azores Conference, the floating-exchange-rate system, directed by Shultz! Kissinger's boss, and the tyrant, who moved on to install the fascist dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet in Chile. And whose efforts sponsored the unleashing of a Nazi-based mass-murder movement throughout the Southern Cone of South America: Operation Condor.
Then we got Brzezinski, who is different, but in a very queer way. And Brzezinski proceeded to destroy the physical economy of the United States, by things such as deregulation. And by bringing in his crony Paul Volcker, also a crony of Shultz, to destroy the U.S. banking system.
We went on and on and on. And the changes that prevailed, with the exception of our intervention on the SDI, the changes which prevailed took us down the road, worse, and worse, and worse. Under politicians who were not bad—but who went along. And therefore, by going along, they fostered the degeneration of the United States. And it went on and on and on, through 2000.
The shock came, with the certification of the election of George W. Bush. And there was a trickle of resistance, largely from the civil rights faction inside the Congressional caucus. But not much more.
We staged a fight to defend health care in the United States, at a most crucial point: the D.C. General Hospital. We were betrayed! Not everybody betrayed us. Not everyone betrayed the people of Washington, D.C., but many did—even many people from the black ghetto!—who were told, that by shutting down D.C. General Hospital, there would be real-estate improvement opportunities, in which the value of their stock holdings would be improved. Just like some people who say, "We're going to betray Social Security, because we're going to get special treatment for black people, by betraying Social Security and we'll get a slice of the pie." This is corruption!
And then, we came along through the war, the war in the Middle East, the terror, and the looming sense that the system is coming down. And it is coming down. It's coming down now. Nothing can save this system, this world system, this United States system, in its present form! The date of death of that system is not yet written, but the inevitability of it is. If we as a people in the United States do not change—and there is a movement for change—this nation is finished!—with most of the people in it. And the chain-reaction effects of that, will be that the society, civilization on this planet is finished.
I know what to do.
More and more people in leading circles in the Democratic Party and elsewhere, are beginning to recognize, that I do know what to do. What I did in Berlin, at the Berlin seminar, is typical. I know what to do. The idea I presented there was not presented by anyone up to that point. I've been developing this idea, since my youth, practically—since the end of the 1940s: the ideas of Vernadsky and their implications for understanding economy, for understanding the future of humanity. We spread this thing, but it was not activated. It was not pushed as something which is real, for now. In Berlin, we pushed it. We're going to continue to push it.
My job now, is, having reached a position of leadership, of growing leadership influence, is to use, from my stock of immortality, what is known to me and understood by me—as not by others around me or by others generally—to use that knowledge, and the passion which I have, through which I express that knowledge, to push this planet, including the leaders of the United States and others, into taking the kinds of actions which echo, for our time, what Franklin Roosevelt did for his time.
Therefore, I have unique qualifications. And I have, as long as I stick to my cause, I have my immortality. And when you have your sense of your immortality, you are undefeatable, as was Jeanne d'Arc; as we shall prove eventually, as was Martin Luther King. His trip to the mountaintop: He proved it. His work is immortal. He is immortal—where those flinched and went in the other direction, are not.
The problem of our society, cultural problem, which is a product immediately, mostly of the post-war period, Roosevelt could not die, before Truman and his friends would betray the United States. And they did so! I came back from the war to the United States, in 1946, in April 1946. What I came back to, was not the United States which I had left. I had left the United States under Roosevelt's leadership, a United States on a course toward freeing the world of colonialism, of imperialism. A world committed by Roosevelt, to the freeing of colonial nations, and developing them into fully mature, economically matured and culturally matured nations; to establish an echo of the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648, in a community of common interest, and mutual interest among nations, which had been Roosevelt's intention.
Churchill had wanted none of that. Churchill was determined to defeat Roosevelt. He was determined to save the power of the British Empire. Which is not the power of the British Empire, in terms of Red coats: It's the power of the British Empire in terms of financial power! The power of a private banking system. An international, independent banking system, which rules the world through its money.
Roosevelt was determined to end that. Churchill was determined to maintain it. Truman was a fool, running errands for Churchill and his kind.
So, I came back to the United States, and I found, first by instinct, that we had lost World War II—not to the Nazis, but to Nazism. That under Allen Dulles and others, the hard core of the Nazi system was preserved, and was moved into what became key positions in NATO, and similar positions. The philosophy of Hjalmar Schacht, and others who had brought the Nazis to power, was ruling in Europe, and in the United States, too. This was a right-wing turn, which I recognized already, coming back in '46. That the right wing had taken over! And the so-called anti-Soviet campaign was a part of a right-wing movement, not something caused by Joe Stalin, who was a pragmatist. Not something that would have happened under Roosevelt. But happened under Churchill and Truman, and those who controlled and owned Truman.
I found the United States' institutions were filled with Nazis, people who had been anti-Roosevelt, and pro-Hitler, in the 1930s, and early 1940s, were running large parts of the United States. This became the right wing. This became the anti-Communist movement. This became the Congress for Cultural Freedom.
The whole fight, the whole idea of a Communist Soviet-American conflict was a fraud! So you challenge and threaten the Soviet Union? Stalin reacts! What do you expect? So, now we—we have created, out of nothing, so to speak—we have created a condition of threatened nuclear warfare! And the policy of the United States, under the leadership of that great pig, Bertrand Russell, was a policy of preventive nuclear war, a policy of preventive regime change, globally, to produce world government! Globalization. This was the Nazi system. And this is what corrupted us.
But then, it was worse: Because, I looked around me among my friends, my generation who had gone to war, from 1946 through 1948 and beyond, but especially '48 was the turning point—they became pigs. They went from patriots, to cowardly pigs. Their wives would say, "Don't get us into trouble! Don't lose your job! We've got a home to build! We've got a family to build! Get a better education, quick—we don't care if it's any good or not, but just get, get the certificate—get a better job!" "Be careful what you say. Be careful what you don't say! Learn to get along."
A Nation of Sophists
And, we became a nation of sophists. And the founding of the Congress for Cultural Freedom, which taught sophistry as a philosophy, typified this. My generation, the parents of the Baby-Boomer generation, were totally—not to the man, but in the great majority—pigs, who betrayed humanity for the sake of, "What do I want to be overheard saying?" That was the right wing.
What saved the United States were two things, essentially—apart from the fact that the Korean War had not turned out the way that some people in Washington had intended. The Soviet Union had developed the first usable thermonuclear weapon. And that put the stops on Bertrand Russell's plan, for preventive nuclear warfare to establish world government.
So then, they went to a new phase, which became known as "détente" in the course of events: That is, let us use thermonuclear weapons, and their missiles to carry them, as a threat! So that you will have a mutual threat! And this mutual threat, called "détente," will run society. And this was the culture!
Eisenhower saved us from some of the worst of it, because he was an anti-right-wing force. He was an American traditionalist, in the same sense of Douglas MacArthur. He believed in the American System, in the sense that Roosevelt believed in the American System. He was weak on his economics, and taking Arthur Burns into his government was not the best idea he could have had. It was something he picked up from a rubbish bin at Columbia University, where the two met.
And so, in this way, the Baby-Boomer generation became totally corrupt: Because their parents—the parents from my generations—raised them to be corrupt. Raised them to be "successful," which was to be corrupt. Raised them to forget all long-term objectives, to think about immediate pleasure, immediate personal financial security and betterment. A better neighborhood, a neighborhood without the neighbors you don't like—these kinds of things.
We became corrupt. We no longer believed in truth. People would not say what is true; they would say, "Wouldn't it be better, and more prudent to say 'this,' instead of 'that'?" "Instead of telling the truth, isn't there a better way to 'manage' social relations?" "Isn't there a way to practice social work, instead of telling the truth?" And if everybody can feel good about each other, and rub bellies together, isn't that better?
At the same time, because of a lack of regard for truth, which virtually 80% to 90% of my generation adopted, that is, rejected the idea of truth: Eighty to ninety percent of my generation, returning from the war, rejected the idea of truth! And the rejection was based on this idea, "We're in this great struggle against Communism. Don't tell the truth." "Be careful what you say." "Crawl. Kiss butt. Teach your children to kiss butt, or they won't be successful." Or, if your child says the wrong thing in the wrong place, "your daddy loses his job!" That was true all through the 1970s, into that period.
So, we live in a police-state mentality, we don't tell the truth.
The Question of Immortality
Now, this question of immortality, the ability to lead, the ability to adopt a policy, to provide the kind of leadership which humanity requires, means looking ahead. It means looking ahead to the consequences, not necessarily just to today, or next week or next year—but of a generation from now, or two generations from now. What is the effect of what we do, or fail to do, on the condition of humanity a generation or two generations ahead? Not just next year; not just the next five years; not just getting by; not just being considered successful—but, actually making a contribution, a needed contribution, to the outcome of life, in the nation, in the world, for the next decade, or two decades, or longer.
Every great person that we remember in science or history did that. They didn't succeed always in their lifetime by the ordinary standards of success. But, had they not done what they did, the success which came later would never have been possible! And they knew it.
Look into the future, and say, "I know what the future holds." You have to know that. It has to be the truth. And once you know that is the truth, you have to act accordingly, whatever the short-term risks to the contrary are implied.
If you do not believe in truth, then you're incapable of immortality; you're incapable of a sense of what you would be willing to die for. And, if you don't have a commitment to a sense of what you would be willing to die for, what positive purpose, you have no morality; you are only a sophist, a sycophant of popular opinion.
And that's what I've had to fight against, even in the generation of Baby Boomers in our own association. Now, knowing this, and knowing the crisis we were coming into, I seized upon the opportunity to initiate a formal youth movement. You will observe in the formal youth movement, crucial elements which reflect my knowledge of the access to immortality: I can offer these youth nothing. We don't have any money. I can offer them nothing, except immortality: Access to immortality.
What does that consist of? It consists of, first of all, of being committed to truth as knowledge. Not to certified knowledge, not to academically certified knowledge. Not to popularly approved knowledge, but to absolutely certain knowledge. What is the kind of truth that is absolutely trustworthy? Well, the truth is a universal physical principle, for example, like Kepler's discovery of universal gravitation. That is an idea, of a universal physical principle, which is truth. It is not the whole truth, but it is a large part, a large chunk of it.
So therefore, if young people shift their education away from the usually approved courses, and the usually approved behavior, into discovering, rediscovering, re-enacting, the discovery of certain universal physical principles, then, they know truth. Because, once you know the tests, for defining discovery and proving a universal physical principle, then you know what truth is. If you can't do that, you don't know what truth is. If you read a textbook, you don't know what the truth is—because most textbooks lie, anyway. Most professors lie! They have to consider their careers, too, you know.
And so, therefore, we have a movement for truth. The movement for truth has two aspects: the idea of truth in science is old. It's as old as Pythagoras, for example; it's as old as Plato. But, there's also another aspect to this. We think about truth in terms of physical science—we know that, we have that. What we're doing with the youth movement on these ideas of principle establishes that.
Classical Artistic Composition
But there's another aspect, which is typified by the challenge of Bach's Jesu, meine Freude: There are the principles of Classical artistic composition, as in great Classical poetry, drama, music, and so forth. These are essential, because it's by these methods of communication, associated with great artistic composition, that we are able to transmit ideas to one another, ideas of principle.
It is that experience, and the combining of these two things, the experience of the discovery of physical truth, in the sense of universal physical conceptions—the tradition of Leibniz, as that of Kepler before him; the tradition of Riemann, in physical science, on the one side. And then, on the other side, the tradition of the great Classical writers, the great Classical poets, the great Classical actors and tragedians, great Classical musicians. These things, as Percy Bysshe Shelley put it, are associated with a power of "imparting and receiving profound and impassioned conceptions respecting man and nature." It is the passion to which Shelley refers, in that In Defence of Poetry, which I keep emphasizing over the years to you fellows, and others; it is that passion which I have brought to bear on the question of leadership of the United States, to get us safely out of this crisis; it is that quality of passion which Baby-Boomerism tends to push to one side, and says, "can't we be practical?" And when I hear the word "practical" coming out of the mouth of a Baby Boomer, I say, "Uh-oh! We're finished. It's over! The party is over. It's dead."
So, what I've done, in these five papers which have been presented on this occasion—three were published earlier, and two supplementary ones, including one which is now in its corrected and edited form, in the system, on "Roosevelt's Miracle": These represent an agenda of reflection, an agenda of thought, covering those ideas, that understanding of the history of mankind, especially in modern history—especially the history of European civilization; and ideas about the future of mankind, as typified by the Vernadsky orientation: These are the ideas around which we must organize, and educate the growing numbers of people who are coming to us from within the Democratic Party, the Republican Party, and from around the world. We must convey these ideas with passion, the kind of passion which people resented sometimes in our organization, when I was pushing, in the course of the Presidential election campaign; when I pushed in Boston; when I pushed, in terms of the September-October phase of the general election campaign; when I pushed, afterward, on pulling the Democratic Party up off the floorboards and setting it into motion as a living organization, again, with the immediate webcast after that time. It's what I've done. It's what I've spent my energy on—not without some risk, simply because of my age, not because of any specific problem—during this period.
Because, unless I did this, and did this in a timely way, and did it in the form of passion, to which I referred here, there was no possibility that a leadership will emerge in the United States with a viable capacity for pulling us out of this mess! And, if we can't pull the United States out of this mess, I assure you, we will not pull the world out of the mess. Because, the systems of Europe will not allow it—why? Look at Europe! Europe never got a true republic—never! They sometimes called them republics, but they weren't. Europe has been dominated by the Venetian tradition, the tradition of financier oligarchy ruling the world. There's been no true sovereign government in Europe! There have been stabs at it, periodically—but none!
We have the experience of sovereign government in the United States, as Europe has not; as Asia has not. No rational conception of sovereign government. That's the problem with the world.
French Revolution Be Damned!
For example: As I've emphasized in these papers, and other sources, because of the French Revolution—let it be damned forever! It is damned forever. Because of the French Revolution, the possibility of extending the success of the American Revolution into Europe, was halted. By when Lord Shelburne, the superpower controller of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal system at that time, working with people on the Continent, set up what became the French Revolution, starting with Philippe Égalité/Jacques Necker abomination. Necker was a British agent, a personal agent of Shelburne! Philippe Égalité was an agent of Shelburne. Danton was an agent of British intelligence. Marat was an agent of British intelligence, deployed by them. Robespierre and company were agents of British intelligence!
And, Napoleon Bonaparte, who superseded Barras and other things, had been an agent of the Robespierre family, and became Bonaparte through intervention of the Martinist cult, which had been created, and was directed from London.
So, as a result of that, as a result of the Napoleonic Wars and their destruction, a true republic never emerged in Europe! Never!
But rather, because of the triumph of the British system, the Anglo-Dutch Liberal system, in the Napoleonic Wars and beyond, Europe has been ruled by so-called independent banking systems, or the equivalent. These banking systems, these financial systems, have been above government! And dictate to government, as they do in Europe today. No European government, presently, is willing to stand up to the international financial cartel. None. The so-called independent central banking systems run Europe, and governments are merely lackeys.
Now, governments may respect people, who have impulses which might cause them, under certain circumstances, to overthrow central banking systems. But, none of them, on their own, has the inclination to do so. And until that inclination is brought about—it won't happen!
We're now in a collapse of the system. The financial forces, the dominant financier forces, which control the so-called independent central banking systems, which control the Federal Reserve System, these forces are actually the same network of forces, which were called the Synarchist International back in the 1920s, when they first, through Volpi di Misurata, put Mussolini into power, under the real designer of Fascism there, Volpi di Misurata—who was a British agent. Hmm? And had been a British agent, in the Balkans and in the Turkish operation, and places like that.
So, these bankers, faced with a crisis in their system, conceived of what became the Nazi system. They created the parties, they created the incidents, they orchestrated the events, to bring these fascists to power.
Why Did Hitler Persecute the Jews?
You know, one thing about it, is the Jewish issue. Take the case of Hitler. Why did Hitler persecute the Jews the way he did? It wasn't his own idea. It was the idea of the famous, or infamous, Grand Inquisitor of Spain in 1492, on the Expulsion of the Jews. This anti-Semitism of that type, has been the hallmark of the right wing of the followers of that Grand Inquisitor, to the present day. The Grand Inquisitor was actually the model used by the Martinists to define, for Napoleon, the role he was to play. Napoleon Bonaparte was a creation, in imitation of the Grand Inquisitor of Spain of 1492, Tomás de Torquemada. This anti-Semitism, as an instrument of control, was transmitted to Hitler—not to Mussolini, but to Hitler.
And the same thing today: We have right-wing Catholics, or so-called "Christians" who follow that line, the line of the Grand Inquisitor, the so-called right wing, have been, and still are the hard core of the Nazi system as such. The ideology of Tomás de Torquemada, as transmitted through the Martinists and so forth, is the leading example of pure evil, among populations in the world today. It's a product of what? It's an instrument, as it was under Torquemada—Torquemada was an agent of Venice, in the attempt to wipe out the Renaissance.
The Venetian oligarchy, for which he was an agent, was perpetuated in the form of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal system, the banking system. They use this instrument, this instrument of terror, of exemplary terror, as an article faith. You have it in right-wing Catholic circles; you have it in other circles. You have it in the George Bush Religious Right movement! The same thing: You have pure fascism in that.
And what happened under Hitler, to the Jews in Germany and occupied territories, was simply a continuation of the legacy of Grand Inquisitor Tomás de Torquemada, and of the Spanish Catholic right wing. They were not the authors of fascism, but they were the tools of fascism, as Schiller refers to this, as Helga dealt with it yesterday.
So therefore, the problem is, we are faced with that kind of danger. We're faced with impotent people in government. A President who belongs in a rubber room.
And we have to save it.
We have to have a conception of history, in which we take account of the kinds of things which I've referred to, and many other things analogous to them, which are of significant importance, to understand humanity from this standpoint. To understand humanity as a quest for a form of society, in which the individual finds his or her sense of personal immortality, in a mission in life, a mission of ideas, ideas which, transmitted to coming generations, provide for a safe future for humanity. And like Jeanne d'Arc or Martin Luther King, if they die in the enterprise, and their ideas live on, then great good comes from it.
And the way to understand this is to look back at the history of mankind before us, in ancient times, and see how this works. See how it works, for example—take the case of Plato's writings, especially on the subject of the death of Socrates, where the same issue comes up. Take the case of Moses Mendelssohn, in dealing with this same question: Throughout history, the question is, what is it to be a human being, and not a mere animal? To be a human being is to be immortal. To be immortal by virtue of ideas, ideas comparable to those of valid ideas of physical science. To participate in continuing the transmission of these kinds of ideas, from previous generations, from previous experience of humanity. And to project the transmission of these ideas, as fighting ideas, that move society to coming generations, as the ideas, which give the people, when needed, the courage to fight, even at the risk of death to fulfill their mission in life.
And that is what we have to do.
And that is what I am full of, today.