Al Gore's Fried Green Fascism
by Jeffrey Steinberg
This speech was given by Jeffrey Steinberg on Feb. 13, 1999 to a conference of the Schiller Institute and International Caucus of Labor Committees, in Reston, Virginia.
In 1988, U.S. Senator Albert Gore, Jr. ran for the Democratic Party Presidential nomination. Gore was as desperately, obsessively committed to being President of the United States in 1988—as he is today.
Appropriately, Senator Gore's 1988 national campaign headquarters was located in the Opreyland Hotel, the mecca of the country and western music world. Gore's campaign strategy was to score a big win on "Super Tuesday," the mega-primary day that grouped together most of the states of the Deep South. The plan was dubbed Gore's "Confederate strategy." It failed. Although Gore took some of the Southern states, he was badly beaten by a little known New England liberal, Massachusetts Gov. Michael Dukakis, in Florida and Texas. The African-American vote, throughout the South, went, overwhelmingly, to Rev. Jesse Jackson.
If Al Gore's performance was poor in the heart of the Confederacy, his record north of the Mason-Dixon Line was even more dismal. In the make-it-or-break-it primary election in New York, Gore was shunned by Gov. Mario Cuomo and won a kiss-of-death endorsement from New York City Mayor Ed Koch. On primary day, Dukakis won 51% of the Democratic votes, Jesse Jackson won 37%, and Al Gore came in with barely 10%. Thus ended Al Gore's 1988 quest for the Presidency.
By the end of the New York primary campaign, Gore was in such a state of bipolar rage over his dismal performance, that he resorted to desperate, outright racist cheap-shot attacks against his opponents. You can take the boy out of the Confederacy, but you can't so easily take the Confederacy out of the boy.
First, his one big New York political booster, Ed Koch, badly damaged Gore's chances, by declaring that Jews would have to be "crazy" to vote for Jesse Jackson, a disastrous blunder that Gore promptly compounded by publicly endorsing Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir's rejection of Ronald Reagan's call for a "land for peace" deal between Israel and the Palestinians. Gore's campaign publicist in New York, David Garth, had been Shamir's campaign manager, and was also a long-time political adviser to Ariel Sharon, the butcher of the Palestinian refugee camps at Sabra and Shatila, in Lebanon.
And, the head of Gore's New York campaign organization was Brooklyn assemblyman Noah Deare, a founder of Rabbi Meir Kahane's Jewish Defense League terrorist gang, who never abandoned that racist cause.
Gore next one-upped Koch, in the closing moments of the New York campaign, by launching into a tirade against Dukakis, for letting killers free on weekend furloughs from Massachusetts state prisons, so they could rape and murder. Yes, it was Al Gore—not George Bush—who launched the infamous "Willie Horton" campaign. A Bush campaign staffer, Floyd Brown, watching the Gore-Dukakis-Jackson debate on television, merely followed up the lead provided by Gore. The same Floyd Brown would emerge, in 1992, among the most vicious slanderers of President Bill Clinton.
Al Gore's 1988 failed run for the Presidency taught him a bitter lesson: The traditional constituents of the Democratic Party—minorities, labor, senior citizens, and America's technology-oriented small and medium-sized companies—universally rejected the Senator from Tennessee. It was a stinging defeat. But Al Gore and his inner circle of political handlers knew what to do next.
In the tradition of another unelectable tyrant of the 20th century, Adolph Hitler, Al Gore delivered a public manifesto, offering himself as a fully conscious, willing servant to the most genocidal faction within the British-American-Canadian financial oligarchy: the faction associated with the Duke of Edinburgh, Prince Philip, his son Prince Charles, and their Dutch ally Prince Bernhard. The same extended Anglo-Dutch "BAC" oligarchy, with its Morgan and Brown Brothers Harriman allies on Wall Street, had bankrolled Hitler's Nazi Party in 1933.
If the healthy "forgotten majority" of American voters were not prepared to back him, Al Gore was prepared to carry water for the heirs of Bank of England Governor Montagu Norman, J.P. Morgan, and Nazi Economics Minister Hjalmar Schacht.
Witness Al Gore's recent public tantrum against the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Mahathir bin Mohamad, who dared to cross paths with the Queen's speculator, George Soros. Witness the impeachable offenses committed by Al Gore, to salvage LTCM, David E. Shaw, and other hedge funds, caught by surprise in last August's Russian freeze on commercial bank debt payments.
Gore's ideological roots
Gore's Faustian manifesto, his own Mein Kampf, was published in 1992, under the title Earth in the Balance. Some of his more insightful critics promptly dubbed the book, Mein Planet.
Don't get me wrong. The publication of Earth in the Balance marked no political Damascus Road for Al Gore. As the lifetime protégé of one of the most evil figures of the 20th century, Armand Hammer, Al Gore had already established his credentials as one of the more corrupt and shallow figures in American political life. His father, Albert Gore, Sr., had sold his soul to Anglo-Soviet Trust agent Hammer in the 1940s; and, even earlier, had been sponsored into politics by Bernard Baruch, a Confederate transplant to Wall Street, who would join forces with Lord Bertrand Russell, at the close of World War II, in an effort to create a world government, possessing a monopoly on the nuclear bomb. Gore, Sr., after losing his U.S. Senate seat in 1970, assumed the Presidency of the Council for a Liveable World, which was founded by the original "Dr. Strangelove," H.G. Wells's protégé, Leo Szilard.
This was the legacy that Al Gore had long since inherited from his father. As the head of the Congressional Clearinghouse on the Future and GLOBE, an international parliamentary group peddling various world federalist schemes, Gore, Jr. had already manifested a tree-hugger's love for every obscene New Age cure-all for the so-called ecological crisis. And Gore and Newt Gingrich had long ago forged a partnership as the "Third Wave" Tofflerite Bobbsey Twins of Capitol Hill.
Two leading BAC figures, intimately tied to Prince Philip—Maurice Strong and Martin Palmer—have confirmed that Gore's personal ties to the British Royal Consort date back at least to the mid-1980s, when they began a correspondence, that continues up to the present day. Gore and Prince Philip met, face-to-face, for the first time, in Washington in May 1990, as the future Vice President was working on the manuscript of his book, and as the head of the British oligarchy was staging a conference at the National Cathedral to revive paganism.
At the time of that meeting, Prince Philip, the International President of the World Wildlife Fund, had recently published his own genocide tract, Down to Earth, and the impact on Gore's book is evident, from a simple comparison of the two texts, especially on the issue of the need to kill off as many dark-skinned human beings as possible, in the shortest time frame.
It is useful to focus on Earth in the Balance, because it defines the menace of an Al Gore Presidency, most efficiently, within the larger context of the struggle between the nation-state system and an oligarchical Dark Age.
We have reached a moment in history, the end of a 500-year epoch, when the republican nation-state system and the system of feudal oligarchism and usury, can no longer co-exist on this planet. Either we defeat the oligarchy in the near term, or we plunge, for several generations or more, into a Dark Age of unprecedented horror.
The strategic context
It is vital that each and every person in this room comes away from this conference with a clear understanding of why Al Gore must be destroyed in the immediate days and weeks ahead.
As Lyndon LaRouche has powerfully demonstrated, in a series of recent EIR studies, and in the pages of "The Road to Recovery" [a campaign paper, published in EIR, Feb. 19, 1999], Al Gore is as unelectable to the Presidency today as he was in 1988. But no one should take comfort in that reality.
For the moment, the British-directed assault on the Clinton Presidency has been severely set back, as the result of the Feb. 12, 1999 historic U.S. Senate vote, rejecting the two articles of impeachment. Al Gore is not yet occupying the Oval Office through BAC coup d'état. And we can take a substantial amount of credit for that most recent defeat of the British insurrection against our republic, an insurrection that was under way before the ink had dried on our Federal Constitution, and which will not end with the defeat of the Clinton impeachment plot.
Do not rule out an assassination attempt against President Clinton, particularly as he moves to reassert his hold on the Presidency, and, most emphatically, if he joins what Lyndon LaRouche has labeled "The Survivors' Club," by taking up the urgent task of creating a New Bretton Woods monetary system and bringing the United States fully into the Eurasian Land-Bridge great project. And do not underestimate our power as a political movement. If we do our job, here in the United States and around the world, as the global financial and monetary collapse plays out, through an accelerating sequence of shocks, Clinton will be recruited to the "Survivors' Club!"
We know the BAC oligarchy better than they know themselves. They rarely assassinate a prominent figure out of simple revenge. They assassinate when they feel that their immediate future interests may be jeopardized.
Remember, the present BAC forces are the heirs of the assassins of Alexander Hamilton, Abraham Lincoln, James Garfield, William McKinley, John F. Kennedy, Martin Luther King, Robert Kennedy. Maj. Lewis Mortimer Bloomfield, the British Special Operations Executive officer who headed the Permindex assassination bureau that killed JFK and nearly murdered Charles de Gaulle, was the founder of the Canadian branch of Prince Philip's World Wildlife Fund, along with Al Gore's buddy Maurice Strong; and he was a charter member of Prince Philip's and Prince Bernhard's 1001 Club, the secret financial arm of global eco-fascism.
So, as long as Al Gore remains in office as Vice President, and as long as he enjoys the public perception that he is Bill Clinton's preferred successor, the enemies of this country, and of all civilization, will remain a heart-beat away from power in Washington.
As you will all read in "The Road to Recovery," it is also our urgent responsibility to insure that a viable candidate is nominated by the Democratic Party for the year 2000 Presidential elections, if this nation and the world are to survive the onrush of this greatest global financial crash in modern history.
Without question, Lyndon LaRouche is the most qualified and viable candidate that the Democratic Party could nominate. Presumably there are others who could emerge as viable candidates, through the process of restoring the Democratic Party to its FDR tradition. As we saw in the January 1995 National Press Club speech by Sen. Edward Kennedy, and in subsequent initiatives by Senators Bingaman and Daschle, and others, the impact of the world economic collapse, particularly the growing impoverishment of American working families, has provoked an "FDR reflex" among some leading Democrats. During 1995-96, Al Gore, in league with Roy Cohn's own flesh and blood, Dick Morris, successfully crushed the efforts of Kennedy et al. to prevent the Democratic Party from being transformed into a pathetic imitation of the GOP of the "Contract on America." The fight against Al Gore is the fight for the soul of the Democratic Party.
Never mind that the Bush machine in the Republican Party is desperate to secure Al Gore the Democratic nomination. Anyone who recently saw George W. Bush, "Shrub," showing his fangs in a recent one-hour C-SPAN interview, can appreciate why the Bush League desperately wants to run against Al Gore—rather than a real Democrat.
The green manifesto
So let's take a brief, clinical look at Al Gore, as he presents himself in the pages of Earth in the Balance.
Al Gore's green manifesto was published in 1992. It therefore instantly became an issue in the Presidential campaign, once Bill Clinton was induced to name Gore as his Vice Presidential running mate.
A Democratic National Committee staffer, Jonathan Sallet, was assigned, on behalf of the Clinton-Gore campaign, to put together an "opposition research" memo on Gore's Earth in the Balance, in anticipation of a frontal assault against Gore's "deep" environmentalism, during a scheduled television debate with Dan Quayle. Quayle never raised the issue, and so the Clinton-Gore campaign memo served as the only serious assault against Gore's green ideology during the 1992 campaign. Through channels unknown, Sallet's memo found its way onto the fax machine of Republican Minority Whip Rep. Dick Armey, and from there, it was published in the pages of the Wall Street Journal.
The Sallet memo read, in part:
"Al is not qualified to be vice president.
"He has no principles. He admits he has voted for programs in which he does not believe....
"He's apparently guilt-ridden about the role of men in society and, perhaps, as a result of his own weakness, believes America as a whole is psychologically dysfunctional....
"He is a bad scientist who doesn't care enough to get his facts straight. The fact is, we can't be certain that global warming or the level of CO2 or even the changes in the ozone layer pose a threat as burdensome as the cost of Al Gore's proposals.
"Al is a radical environmentalist who wants to change the very fabric of America.
"He criticizes America for being America—a place where people enjoy the benefits of an advanced standard of living.
"He has no sense of proportion: He equates the failure to recycle aluminum cans with the Holocaust—an equation that parodies the former and dishonors the latter.
"He is a Luddite who holds the naive view that technology is evil and wants to abolish automobiles...
"If Al Gore has his way, we would give up America's jobs and destroy the economy."
Not a bad compilation of sound-byte-sized snipes at Gore's kooky and dangerous views. In fact, it was probably the most insightful document produced by the DNC during the entire 1992 election. But, the Al Gore revealed in the pages of Earth in the Balance is a far more sinister enemy of humankind than those nasty one-liners convey.
Start with the question of population. Al Gore is as fanatically committed as Prince Philip to the reduction in world population—what the British Royal Consort refers to as "culling the human herd."
In the very first chapter of Earth in the Balance, Gore presents the same population curve that Lyndon LaRouche has used for years as a pedagogical device, demonstrating the power of the nation-state system, as the efficient instrument for man truly realizing his creative potential, as a creature in the living image of God.
But Gore's message is exactly the opposite. For Gore, the fact that the emergence of the nation-state system and the consequent spread of scientific and technological progress has made it possible for billions of people to live and prosper, is a problem, a grave problem, a threat to the eco-system.
Gore wrote: "No goal is more crucial to healing the global environment than stabilizing human population. The rapid explosion in the number of people since the beginning of the scientific revolution—and especially during the latter half of this century—is the clearest single example of the dramatic change in the overall relationship between the human specie and the earth's ecology system. Moreover the speed with which this change has occurred has itself been a major cause of ecological disruption, as societies that learned over the course of hundreds of generations to eke out a living within fragile ecosystems are suddenly confronted—in a single generation—with the necessity of feeding, clothing, and sheltering two or three times as many individuals within those same ecosystems."
Remember that in 1972, that self-confessed British agent Henry Kissinger, prepared National Security Memorandum 200, defining population growth in the developing world as a national security threat to the United States.
In Earth in the Balance, Al Gore fully endorsed Kissinger's call for Third World genocide. "Consider the plight of several countries, as estimated by the 'best case' scenarios projected by the United Nations Fund for Population Activities," Gore wrote. "Kenya, which now has 27 million people, will have within thirty years an estimated 50 million people. Egypt's population, 55 million people today, is increasing by an amount equal to the entire population of Israel every four years; Nigeria, which already has 100 million people, will have within thirty years at least 300 million people. All three countries are already putting great strains on their natural resources and threatening the integrity of their ecology systems, so it is truly frightening to imagine the impact of doubling or tripling their numbers—not to mention the pitiful quality of life these extra scores of millions can expect. Already new epidemics—from cholera to the Black Plague to AIDS—have emerged in societies knocked off balance by rapid population growth and the consequent disruption of their traditional patterns of living, and the degradation of their surrounding environments."
Never mind the policies of the International Monetary Fund, the consequences, for Africa, of a century of British and other imperial looting and plundering, which has moved into a more virulent post-modernist phase in the past several years. Never mind Prince Philip's SAS mercenary armies, disguised as game wardens, stalking human prey. Gore's racist assumption is that Africans must live within the centuries old boundaries of their "ecosystem," deprived of modern infrastructure and modern technology that could transform the African continent into an oasis of prosperity, a breadbasket for the world—if the imperial looters were driven out. And most of all, Africa is not to develop into a continent of modern nation-states, based on the principles of the American System. Population growth, in Al Gore's fractured universe, causes AIDS.
Gore's anti-technology bias is not, however, merely reserved for the developing world. "We have fallen victim," Gore writes, "to a kind of technological hubris, which tempts us to believe that our new powers may be unlimited. We dare to imagine that we will find technological solutions for every technologically induced problem. It is as if civilization stands in awe of its own technological prowess.... Technological hubris tempts us to lose sight of our place in the natural order and believe that we can achieve whatever we want to."
Gore's hatred of the nation-state system is further advanced in the pages of Earth in the Balance as he heaps praise on what he calls "post-national" entities, like Kurdistan and Kashmir. "In fact," Gore adds quite happily, "some people now define themselves in terms of an ecological criterion rather than a political subdivision. For example ... 'Amazonia' is used by peoples of several nationalities in the world's largest rain forest, where national boundaries are often invisible and irrelevant."
Hatred of Plato
But, perhaps nowhere does Al Gore declare himself the enemy of the Judeo-Christian and Islamic tradition of man in the living image of God, in more clear-cut terms, than in his chapter-length tirade against Plato, which he titled "Environmentalism of the Spirit."
Gore chose to illustrate the chapter with a detail of Raphael's 1510 painting, "The School of Athens." The detail shows Plato, pointing to the heavens, walking with Aristotle, who is pointing to the earth. In Al Gore's fractured world, Plato represents the tradition of man, divorced from nature, bearing no moral responsibility for the ecosystem. Plato, he claims, severed scientific truth from morality, and was, therefore, the father of all forms of totalitarianism, from the Roman Empire right up to Hitler and Stalin.
"One of the most influential thinkers in the early church, Saint Augustine," Gore wrote, "recounts how attracted he was, early in the fifth century, to Plato's view of the physical world and how he struggled to overcome his love of Platonic theory before he could 'rationalize' his acceptance of Christ's true message." And, later: "By assuming that the human intellect is not anchored in a context of meaningful relationships, with both the physical world and the Creator, Plato assured that later explanations of the workings of the world would become progressively more abstract."
"Francis Bacon is a case in point. His moral confusion—the confusion at the heart of much of modern science—came from his assumption, echoing Plato, that human intellect could safely analyze and understand the natural world without reference to any moral principles defining our relationship and duties to both God and God's creation." This leads Gore to blame Plato for the rise of Hitler and Stalin: "Since the onset of the scientific and technological revolution, it has seemingly become all too easy for ultra-rational minds to create an elaborate edifice of clockwork efficiency capable of nightmarish cruelty on an industrial scale. The atrocities of Hitler and Stalin, and the mechanical sins of all who helped them, might have been inconceivable except for the separation of facts from values and knowledge from morality.... At the root of this belief lies a heretical misunderstanding of humankind's place in the world as old as Plato."
Aristotle, on the other hand, is, for Gore, the antedote to Plato's evil gnosticism. "The heritage of Aristotle's thought," Gore explained, "was kept alive principally in the Arabic-speaking world. Alexander, who was tutored by Aristotle, established his thought throughout the lands he conquered, and the city he chose as his capital, Alexandria, became the greatest center of learning in the ancient world. But for many centuries, the West was isolated from this intellectual tradition; only after the returning crusaders brought new ideas back to Europe did the West rediscover the other half of its Greek heritage. As the thirteenth century began, Europeans impressed with the intellectual achievements of Arab civilization discovered and translated several works of Aristotle—Ethics, Politics, Logic, among others—which had disappeared from Western through but had been preserved in Arabic." According to Gore's lying account, it was this Aristotelian revival that eventually created the Renaissance, which he described as the "impulse to reconnect with the earth."
Now, no one could accuse Al Gore of having an original thought. He freely credits Michael Novak, the theologian of the free market, in both the text and the acknowledgements, as a vital influence on his grasp of theology. He also pays homage to Teilhard de Chardin, and to James Lovelock, the modern day reviver of Gaia, Earth Mother worship, for shaping his personal theology. Indeed, as a student at Vanderbilt University Divinity School in the early 1970s, studying under Prof. Eugene Teselle, Gore was exposed to the Club of Rome's Limits to Growth, in a course called "Theology and the Natural Sciences." That genocidal tract, too, made an indelible impression on Gore.
The issue is not originality. The issue is: In words and in deeds, Al Gore is a conscious philosophical enemy of everything that the American Revolution and the American System represent in the world today. At a moment when the future of humanity hangs in the balance, destroying Al Gore is one of the most efficient means, at our disposal, to drive the Prince Philips, the George Soroses, the Henry Kissingers, back into their cages, while humanity moves forward.