We Can Beat Rohatyn
and the Synarchists
by Jeffrey SteinbergJeffrey Steinberg, EIR Counterintelligence Editor, gave this speech to an EIR-sponsored seminar in Berlin, Germany on June 27, 2006.
On July 27, 1944, the U.S. military attaché in Algiers sent a report back to Washington, discussing the fact that even though this Synarchist apparatus that Cliff [Kiracofe] (see above) discussed a few moments ago, was known to be at the heart of the most actively pro-Hitler grouping within the Vichy government, that, at the same time, there was growing evidence that the same Synarchist networks were also actively involved in penetrating the Free French movement of Charles de Gaulle, which had set up a government-in-exile in Algiers in North Africa. The report—I'll just read a few brief excerpts from it:
"Some of the oldest and formerly most faithful supporters of General de Gaulle are worried by what they call a tendency to let 'Synarchism' penetrate even the highest brackets of the Algiers Administration. It is believed that General de Gaulle, up until recently, opposed Synarchism, which is a strongly reactionary movement, financed by the Haute Banque. He has even ordered a confidential study to be made on the subject, a copy of which has been seen by American officers, but since its dissemination is not known, it was again reproduced.... Our source of information claims that while there is no direct evidence that General de Gaulle has had a change of heart in regard to this movement, some of the people around him are known to have recently become adherents to it. In this connection the Minister of War Diethelm, Colonel Passey and Commandant Pelabon are prominently mentioned."
And it goes on to discuss further investigations that de Gaulle had ordered into the Synarchist operations in North Africa.
Now, appended to this document, which we obtained by special arrangement during the mid-1980s, from the U.S. National Archives in Washington, D.C., is a secret appendix, which gives the name of about 80 individuals and institutions that were known to be at the very heart of the Synarchist apparatus. And about halfway down the first column, after going through the names of a number of very well-known people, associated both with the Vichy government and with the Banque Worms, we come upon the name, "Banque Lazard" and a specific individual, "André Meyer."
There was an extensive network of cooperation that existed during the 1940s, between American intelligence officers from all of the major agencies: You had the Office of Strategic Services, you had the various military intelligence branches, the State Department had a very active intelligence service. And in most cases, there were close contacts established with various Resistance networks, including especially military Resistance networks that existed, including within the Vichy government itself. And so, a number of U.S. reports actually reflect joint efforts by American military and intelligence officers working with French counterparts, who were working at great risk. Because, they were obviously working, against, ostensibly, their own government.
Now, one of the reports that surfaced after the war, was a detailed study prepared by a French intelligence official further elaborating on the role of André Meyer within this overall Synarchist apparatus. I'll just, again, read a few quotes:
"When Von Ribbentrop came to Paris on Dec. 6, 1938 to sign a 'good neighbor pact' with Georges Bonnet, there was a dinner at the Quai d'Orsay that evening attended by Daniel Serruys of Lazard Bank. At that time Mr. André Meyer, new associate manager of Lazard Frères, had excellent relations with Georges Bonnet, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Daladier government, and is said to have supported him at the time of Munich.
"The Lazard managers did not want to burn all their bridges with Germany because they still had friends in the German world of finance. Furthermore, the Lazard house in France was the official bank of Royal Dutch, a Dutch company with British capital. Furthermore, the president of Royal Dutch, Sir Henri Deterding, after having served England for a long time, had shown a certain sympathy for Hitler's Germany, and provided funds to the National Socialist Party without breaking with the business world of the City of London. At the time of Munich, Deterding contributed to 'expediting' Mr. Chamberlain before Hitler in Godesberg in September 1938. Because of the position of Deterding, the directors of Lazard and especially André Meyer, had to adopt an attitude of expectation vis-à-vis Hitler, regardless of his anti-Semitism. It appears that they approved of Munich."
Now, many years later, towards the end of his life, André Meyer, who, for many years afterward, continued to be the managing director of Lazard bank, in 1940, left France and conveniently took up residence in New York, where Lazard also had a major banking operation. But, in an interview with the New York Times—I don't have the exact date of it, but shortly before he died—André Meyer was asked to characterize Felix Rohatyn. Rohatyn had been Meyer's protégé and had actually succeeded him as the managing director of Lazard Brothers. And Meyer, the leading wartime Synarchist in France, described Rohatyn in the following terms: He said, "In some respects, I consider him as my son."
Synarchist Penetration of the Democratic Party
Now, I started out by going through this particular element, of this Synarchist dossier taken from wartime U.S. military archives, because I know that for many people here in Europe, there's been an enormous amount of confusion and anxiety over what's been going on in the United States, particularly inside the Democratic Party, since particularly the beginning of this year. And there's no way to really understand that phenomenon, without understanding the role of Felix Rohatyn, in that process of disruption of the Democratic Party. And there's no way to understand the motives behind Rohatyn's activities, other than by understanding that he is the protégé of one of the leading figures in the Synarchy during the wartime period. And that, while Rohatyn is ostensibly a major figure in the Democratic Party and one of the major sources of Wall Street funding to Democratic candidates, whether for President or for other high office, there is absolutely no distinction between Rohatyn's outlook, André Meyer's outlook, and the outlook of the people that Cliff Kiracofe just described as being behind the fascist coup attempts against Franklin Roosevelt in the 1930s.
So what you've got, inside the Democratic Party in the United States, is a degree of penetration by the same Synarchist apparatus, that, while being actively involved as the leading Nazi collaborators in France, were also busily infiltrating and establishing their presence inside the leading anti-fascist movement in France, the Free French movement of General de Gaulle. They were doing all of these things, and at the time, U.S. intelligence had a spotlight on both, and there was not confusion about what this apparatus intended to do, who they were, and what the methods were that they used in order to penetrate every institution that was moving, in order to subvert them all, in the interests of a particular international financial oligarchy.
Now, it's interesting that this profile of André Meyer and Lazard, ostensibly a French institution, talked about the fact that Lazard was in the middle of the Anglo-Dutch oligarchy's operations of the 1920s, '30s, and '40s. In fact, the Lazard bank in Paris was the leading banking representative of Royal Dutch Shell. And in that capacity in the late 1920s, leading figures from the Lazard bank helped to establish another financial institution, a very closely allied financial institution, called the Banque Worms.
Now, prior to the founding of the Banque Worms in the 1920s, the Worms group was primarily involved in industry, and especially involved in shipping. The shipping company of Hippolyte Worms handled much of the oil shipments for Royal Dutch Shell, so that you had a very tightly knit network of Synarchists, ultimately reporting to this Anglo-Dutch financial oligarchy, but working through both Lazard and Banque Worms.
Now, the decision by the Roosevelt government, to maintain diplomatic relations with Vichy France, despite the known close ties to many people in the Vichy government with the Hitler regime in Germany, was a very complicated affair. The decision was based on the knowledge that there were extensive Resistance networks in France; it was based on the fact that there was a desire to have a certain close intelligence access, to the situation on the ground within continental Europe.
And in order to make this decision intelligible to the American people and to the world at large, in 1943, President Roosevelt commissioned a man named William Langer, an American historian who at that time was head of the Research and Analysis branch of the OSS, to prepare a study. He was given access to all of the American government files on Vichy France, on the Synarchy, and in 1947, he came out with a book called Our Vichy Gamble. And in the book, he laid out, I think very effectively, both the complexities of what the U.S. was trying to do, and a very detailed roadmap of all of the different elements inside Vichy France. And he was very much attuned to the Synarchy problem, and to the particular role of the Banque Worms group being at the heart of most of the pro-Hitler apparatus inside the Vichy government.
I'll just read you briefly from a couple of pages, where he discusses this. He's referring to Admiral Darlan, who was one of the top officials in Vichy France. He said: "Darlan's henchmen were not confined to the fleet. His policy of collaboration with Germany could count on more than enough eager supporters among French industrial and banking interests—in short, among those who even before the war had turned to Nazi Germany and had looked to Hitler as the savior of Europe from Communism.... These people were as good fascists as any in Europe. They dreaded the Popular Front like the plague and were convinced that they could prosper even under Hitler's iron rod. Many of them had long had extensive and intimate business relations with German interests and were still dreaming of a new system of 'synarchy,' which meant government of Europe on fascist principles by an international brotherhood of financiers and industrialists."
Then he quotes from a memo, dated Jan. 7, 1942, that was sent by U.S. Ambassador Biddle from London, again, describing the Synarchists: "This group should be regarded not as Frenchmen, any more than their corresponding members in Germany should be regarded as Germans, for the interests of both groups are so intermingled as to be indistinguishable; their whole interest is focused upon furtherance of their industrial and financial stakes."
And then, going back to his own account, Langer spends several pages, literally giving name, rank, and serial number of all of the top officials of Banque Worms who were brought into the Vichy government. And then, at the end he says, "From this list it appears at once that practically every ministry or secretaryship touching economic affairs was in the hands of one or another of the Worms clique." And he goes on from there.
So, this apparatus was very well known, and in fact, at the end of the war, with the liberation of France in 1944, almost all of the leading figures in Banque Worms were arrested. A number of them were sentenced to long jail terms. But as Lyn[don LaRouche] has discussed repeatedly, the world changed overnight, drastically for the worse, in mid-April 1945, when Franklin Roosevelt died. And with the death of Roosevelt and the accession of Harry Truman into power in the United States, the entire Synarchist apparatus got a second life.
By 1948, all of the leading Synarchists had been freed from jail in France, and not only let go, but the entire apparatus was in the process of being reconstructed under a renovated Anglo-American ownership. And, for example, the Banque Worms began hiring back a number of people who had been among the most visible pro-Nazis inside the Vichy government. A man named Georges Albertini, who had been a top official of the Labor Ministry under Vichy, was released from jail after four years of hard labor, and was hired immediately to take charge of what was called the "Labor Department" at Banque Worms. This was simply a funding mechanism that was set up, so that Banque Worms in France after the war became one of the major sources of funding for people otherwise known as to be part of the Congress for Cultural Freedom. And Albertini, for example, set up an Institute for Historical Studies, which became a major, Banque Worms-funded, Congress for Cultural Freedom propaganda outlet, producing all sorts of anti-Communist tracts, to create the proper scare climate, in the period of Trumanism and the emergence of the Cold War, after Roosevelt's death.
The Case of Felix Rohatyn
Now, the case of Felix Rohatyn: As I said, since the beginning of this year, approximately February of 2006, we saw a very rapid and precipitous deterioration in the performance of the Democratic Party, particularly in the Senate. It began with the fight to prevent the nomination of Samuel Alito to the U.S. Supreme Court—and it went downhill from there. People remember that, throughout 2005, the Democratic Party, particularly in the Senate, following the November 2004 election, had responded forcefully: had defeated the Bush Administration in its drive to privatize Social Security, and had taken a number of other steps that were generally speaking in a healthy direction, that reflected the growing influence of Lyn and our movement within the Democratic Party.
But there was one, glaring exception to that, which we now understand fully, and are in the process of taking care of, as a problem: People remember that in February of 2005, towards the end of the month, an article appeared here in Germany, in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, which reported on the fact that the General Motors Corp. was facing in the range of $60 billion in payouts in bonds that were going to be coming due during the year 2005. And because of the deteriorating situation within the company—General Motors used to have about a 50% share of all automobile sales in the United States; that steadily collapsed down to about 25%. It was clear, and the FAZ even made the point, that there would be very high-risk premiums for rolling over those General Motors bonds. In other words, they would have to be paying a much higher yield on those bonds, because people had less faith that the company was going to survive.
As soon as Lyn saw that article, he put out a series of warnings about the imminent danger of the bankruptcy of General Motors, and with it, the collapse of the entire automobile sector of the U.S. economy: Which we understood very well, Lyn understood perfectly well, was at the heart of the machine-tool design and production capacity, which is key to the industrial economy of the United States. In May of 2005, Lyn had written two memos, one of which was one the question of "Strategic Bankruptcy," and he laid out a very clear perspective of exactly what kind of action Congress had to take, in order to assure that the U.S. did not lose this vital machine-tool capacity. Congress was inactive.
Democrats, whom we met with frequently, would acknowledge the problem, would occasionally even go out and give speeches paying lip service to the need to rebuild the country's infrastructure and the importance of saving the automobile plants. Hillary Clinton, at one point, wrote a letter to George Bush, suggesting that the President convene a national emergency summit to save the auto sector. Beyond publicizing the fact that she sent out that letter, she really did nothing else; and knew perfectly well that she would not even receive a postcard in the mail from the White House acknowledging that they had even received the letter.
And here we are, a year later, and we see exactly how right Lyn was about the total destruction of the auto sector.
The Smoking Gun
Now, about a month ago, the newly installed management at Delphi—what was formerly the automobile-parts department of General Motors—had admitted in Bankruptcy Court that they intended to shut down the entirety of their auto-parts production in the United States, that they would leave a token force of about 6,000 production workers in the U.S., but would have about 140,000 production workers scattered overseas—China, other parts of Asia—and that they would keep 9,000 white-collar jobs, corporate headquarters jobs, in the U.S.; and that was it.
We also found out that Delphi was actually auctioning off entire plants! Selling off indispensable machine-tool capacities for pennies on the dollar. And we also knew that, since the company had filed for bankruptcy protection of the courts, that this would be a completely illegal act on their part, unless they had gotten approval from the Bankruptcy Court to dispose of their physical assets in the United States. And we thought that it was absolutely inconceivable that any bankruptcy judge who was not literally bought-and-paid-for would be allowing, literally, Internet, eBay-type auctions of the entire plants of Delphi!
And we went to the Bankruptcy Court files—and we found a lot more than we bargained for: We not only found out that, indeed, the Bankruptcy Court judge had, in fact, authorized the sell-off at auction prices of two of the Delphi plants, with the idea that many more would follow after that; but the judge had basically said that these are considered to be "diminished assets," because, in the corporate restructuring plan, Delphi said they're going to stop producing anything in the United States!
So, these are going to be empty plants. They're going to go completely underutilized. Why not sell them off, even if you only get pennies on the dollar?
Well, as we plunged deeper into the Bankruptcy Court files, literally going through thousands of pages of some of the most boring material you could imagine, we came upon something that really has transformed the political situation inside the U.S. We found the documents that showed that the entire scheme to outsource and globalize Delphi, and to do it under abuse of the U.S. bankruptcy laws in order to basically abandon the obligations to make pension and health-care payments to all of the Delphi workers—the whole deal had been structured by a company called Rohatyn Associates! The small consulting firm/brokerage house of Felix Rohatyn. And that the other companies that had been involved in this, were Rothschild, Inc., which is the major Rothschild banking operation in the U.S.; JPMorgan Chase, the bank that Cliff spoke about a little earlier this afternoon as being behind the fascist coup plot against Franklin Roosevelt; and a law firm named Kirkland & Ellis.
So, here we have the smoking gun. We literally have the document with Felix Rohatyn's signature on it, indicating that he was the architect of the dismantling and outsourcing of Delphi. And of the takedown, in fact, of the entire auto industry: There's a guy named Steve Miller, who was installed by Rohatyn and company, as the CEO of Delphi—and he already had a reputation for having destroyed the entirety of what was left of the steel industry in the United States, through the exact same methods.
Fundamental Change in the Bankruptcy Law
All right. So now, we began peeling away further layers of the story. We had a staff meeting about a week and a half ago, back in Leesburg, and we pulled together various people who've been working on this whole deindustrialization crisis in the United States, from our Economics sector and from other sectors of Intelligence. And we had, for example, one person who had been closely following the situation in the steel industry; another person who had been tracking the takedown of the airlines industry; another person who began looking into the overall changes in U.S. bankruptcy law. And it turns out, that back during the 1970s, in particular during the Carter Administration—the Brzezinski/Trilateral Commission Carter Administration—that there had been a fundamental change in the bankruptcy law, that said, basically: If you're the banks and brokerage houses that come in to finance a bankruptcy restructuring of a company, then you get to define the reorganization plan!
This was a major violation of what had been a bankruptcy law in the United States, that was consistent with the General Welfare notion. Previously, you had bankruptcy judges appointing trustees, whose job it was to protect the interest of the workers of the company, and to bring in new management to correct the policy mistakes that had been made by the previous managers that led them into the situation where they had to file for court protection. And companies were allowed to write off certain debts, in order to allow them to keep their doors open, and under new management and under restructuring, to protect whatever that business was, to keep the people working in those firms, gainfully employed.
The new law was a 180-degree reversal of that. And from 1978 on, beginning with the airline industry, then extending into the steel industry, then into the aerospace sector, and now, finally, the auto sector, we've had a pattern of the exact same criminals, always involving either Lazard Brothers, or Felix Rohatyn personally; always involving JP Morgan, always involving one of three or four major law firms; and usually the Rothschild American branch was also somehow or other involved in there, as well, in setting up these restructurings.
The consequence is, just to give a few examples:
The aerospace sector, which was at once both the heart of the space program, research in advanced aviation, a big component of our military sector, as well as the commercial airlines: Over the last 20 years, the aerospace sector went from having 900,000 production-line workers, to now having 550,000, a collapse of about 40%; and 60 million square feet of production space and machine-tool capacity have been literally shut down and sold off.
Steel sector: Fifty percent of the labor force laid off, factories not only shut down, but literally blown up, dismantled, so that they no longer even exist to be retooled and reopened. Steel production in the U.S. in 1975 was 145 million tons; last year, it was 95 million, again, a drop of about 35% or so.
Auto: Since 2000—just in the last five and a half years—there have been 240,000 job losses, net job losses, in the U.S. auto sector. This is net losses, so it's not GM workers going to work for Toyota or Nissan, or one of the Japanese companies that's built some plants in the U.S. And by 2008, the number of auto jobs projected to be lost in the U.S., on top of the 240,000 lost in the last five and a half years, is an additional 300,000.
So: What does Felix Rohatyn represent? Is he a Democrat? Does he have anything to do with the Democratic Party of Franklin Roosevelt? Or is he more aligned with the Synarchist coup-plotters, who tried to assassinate and/or coup Roosevelt in the '30s? I think the answer's pretty obvious.
The Shultz/Rohatyn Collaboration
In fact, if you look at the career of Felix Rohatyn, particularly over the last 30 or so years, you'll find that the person he most persistently shows up in collaboration with, is George Shultz! The man who put together the current abomination called the Bush-Cheney Presidency. The Shultz-Rohatyn collaboration, in fact, goes back to what was the major topic of discussion this morning, during the keynote panel, namely, the takedown of the Bretton Woods system: It was Shultz, acting on behalf of the Anglo-Dutch financial interests, who was the individual who went to the Treasury Secretary under Richard Nixon, a man named John Connally, accompanied by Henry Kissinger and Paul Volcker, and announced that the Bretton Woods system was over, and that the U.S. would discontinue the currency pegged to the monetized value of gold; created the opening for exactly the speculative system that's followed from that.
The pilot projects that were designated, both in the United States and internationally, to demonstrate that the world was turning back towards Synarchist economics and Synarchist/fascist politics, were the project that Felix Rohatyn personally ran in New York City, under what was called the Municipal Assistance Corp., Big MAC, and the coup d'état in 1973 in Chile against Salvador Allende, which brought the fascist dictatorship of Pinochet into power.
The Shultz-Rohatyn team were deeply involved together, in the Chile coup. Shultz was a leading figure in the Nixon Administration; by that time he had become the Treasury Secretary, replacing Connally. And Felix Rohatyn was the leading outside director of ITT, the International Telephone & Telegraph Co., which bankrolled and put together the key elements of the coup. And of course, George Shultz became famous for ushering in the Chicago School of Economics into Chile. And if you go back and look at the descriptions that were provided by people like William Langer and Ambassador Biddle and others, who were closely tracking the Synarchy in Europe in the 1930s and '40s, you'll find that the authoritarian regime in Chile, run by a small group of bankers and industrialists, fit the Synarchist model to a "t."
In New York City, Rohatyn presided over the destruction of New York. Now, in the mid-1970s, New York City still represented one of the largest concentrations of industrial workers in the United States. People think about big Midwest cities like Detroit and Cleveland. But if you actually toured around New York City, still in the mid-1970s, although it was already beginning to slip away, you would find in some of the outer-lying boroughs, the Bronx, Queens, parts of Brooklyn, factories surrounded by dozens of small machine shops. This was the heart of the American Mittelstand. When Felix Rohatyn took over as the head of the Municipal Assistance Corp., Big MAC, there were 1.3 million manufacturing jobs inside the City of New York. By the time he was finished, that number was halved.
And along with that, some of New York City's municipal unions had been brought into a Synarchist pact: The AFSCME union, headed up by Victor Gotbaum, put billions of dollars of workers' pension money into Big MAC bonds. A number of other unions of municipal workers strongly resisted.
Rohatyn oversaw the shutdown of hospitals, the shutdown of bus lines; subway stations were mothballed and shut, whole parts of the city were red-lined because the bankruptcy reorganization of New York City guaranteed that the bondholders would be paid first, before anything else. New York City was destroyed, through vicious austerity presided over by Rohatyn. And he brought Victor Gotbaum from the labor movement shamelessly in, as part of the operation.
This is a clinical case of what American intelligence analysts and their French collaborators referred to in the 1940s as the "left" side of the Synarchy.
And that's the problem in the Democratic Party today: You have a Democratic Party that had been tilting back, under Lyn's leadership, towards the FDR orientation. And at that point, Rohatyn went absolutely berserk, and began personally deploying, continuously, up to Capitol Hill, to do everything in his power to disrupt the efforts of the Democratic Party to come up with a Rooseveltian-LaRouchian policy-agenda for these mid-term elections. Rohatyn, the close friend of Shultz, was committed to the idea that if the Democratic Party was going to go in the direction that Lyn was leading it, then it was going to have to be destroyed from the inside.
The Fight for the Democratic Party
Now, happily, this is not something that is necessarily within Rohatyn's power to pull off. And in fact, while he does have a certain kind of strength inside Washington, D.C., the Democratic Party—in fact—still remains the largest grassroots party in the United States. And I can assure you, that Rohatyn has very few relationships with Democrats at the county chairmen's level, or at other grassroots levels around the United States—whereas, we do! When we began putting out the first pieces of the Rohatyn dossier back a couple of weeks ago—and that is without the picture that I presented today, of the systematic destruction of the entire industrial base of the United States, which is now at about a minute before midnight to being completed—even with the limited material that we had put together, Rohatyn's signature on the documents basically structuring the bankruptcy of Delphi, a lot of people became very uncomfortable: Because, the biggest flaw in the Democratic Party right now, is cowardice! There are a lot of people who know better, and who were hoping that somehow or other, they could stick their heads in the sand, and avoid the showdown between Lyn and Rohatyn.
Well, as of today, as of probably about an hour ago, the new issue of EIR [June 30], with Lyn's lead editorial, scolding the Democrats in the harshest of terms, laying out this entire picture of Rohatyn and the Synarchy, both from the historical documents that I referenced and quoted from here, as well as the profile of what's gone on under Rohatyn's supervision in the last 30 years, is already saturating Capitol Hill. By the end of this week, thousands of copies of that EIR will have gotten into the hands of every member of Congress, and of state legislators and labor leaders all over the country.
And this is going to create a very difficult predicament for Mr. Rohatyn, because he's going to have a very hard time, explaining away U.S. government documents, from the National Archive! "This André Meyer name, do you know this guy? Listed as a leading international Synarchist. By whom? Not by some European networks, but by the U.S. Army military attaché in Algiers. How're you going to explain that away?" We're not going to let him get away with it: Rohatyn made one mistake, of making a public appearance in Washington, several months back. And not only was the LYM [LaRouche Youth Movement] there in force, but [EIR Economics Editor] Paul Gallagher confronted him directly, on the question of Lyn's call for an FDR-style approach to put out billions of dollars, hundreds of billions, trillions of dollars, in government credits for vitally needed infrastructure projects and job-creation. And Rohatyn's comment was, "We're not going to do it that way, this time. That was all that Roosevelt had at his disposal. Now we have private banks, we have bond markets, we have all of these new mechanisms."
And in a discussion with some other Democrats in which he was a little bit more blunt, when he was at the meeting, back in 1998 where President Clinton talked about the need for a new global financial architecture, up at the Council on Foreign Relations, in that meeting, Rohatyn got up and basically said: Look, back in 1944, governments controlled credit. Now, capital is in the hands of primarily private, and mostly offshore financial institutions—not even central banks. Therefore, Rohatyn announced on behalf of the Synarchy, that this time around, if there's going to be a new, reorganized global financial system, then, the Synarchist bankers are going to control it. And it's not going to have anything to do with government credit.
So, he's even on record himself, putting himself squarely in the Synarchist camp. And we're going to use the historical record of this to finish him off.
I had a discussion with Lyn the other day, about some of the developments around Lyn's own legislative proposal, which people have seen in the "U.S. Economic Recovery Act of 2006," and we were talking about what the next step was, in getting that legislation introduced and passed through the Congress. And Lyn's comment was, "The critical first step is getting out this material, and finishing off Rohatyn politically." In other words, you've got to flush the poison out of the Democratic Party as the necessary first step, to being able to get people to do what needs to be done. And in some cases, there are some people who, freed of the terror that Rohatyn represents, will do that.
So, that's where we stand: We're actually, today, at a launching moment, a point of embarkation of a campaign which I expect very shortly will result in the complete political destruction of Rohatyn, and with that, a major transformation in the political situation inside the United States, and thus, around the world, to put Lyn in the driver's seat in the Democratic Party, to move us back into the Roosevelt paradigm, but with a number of corrections and advances over even what Roosevelt accomplished in the 1930s.