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This article appears in the March 9, 2007 issue of Executive Intelligence Review.

The Greens: An Anglo-Dutch Creation

Rainer Apel tells how the financial oligarchy built up Germany's Green party, as a project to destroy the traditional political party system.

At some point in the early 1970s, so the story goes, a number of people got very concerned about the pace at which "the destruction of nature by human industry" was proceeding, so they established citizens' initiatives. Towards the end of the 1970s, resistance from the government and establishment institutions led to the decision to form an ecologist party, which was done in January 1980. From there, the rise of the Greens as an influential power factor in the German political system began. This is the media's mythological version of a history of the Greens that is, however, not very convincing, because many Germans had quite a different, shocking experience with the rise of the Greens.

The real history of the Greens is that they were, and still are, a project of the financial oligarchy, which is centered around the Anglo-Dutch banking and monarchical alliance. Nearly all of the arguments used later on by the Greens, and their predecessors in the pro-ecology initiatives, had already been worked out and published, by institutions of the oligarchy that existed long before the 1970s. There was the Peace Pledge Union, which Bertrand Russell and Julian Huxley (two of the leading British operatives) founded in 1939, renamed the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, with a "tribunal" also bearing his name, in the late 1940s. This foundation and tribunal were crucial in building the anti-nuclear Easter Marches of the 1950s.

Destabilization of West Germany

In West Germany, this overlapped with covert destabilizations launched by the communist-socialist East German regime. There was another British-centered institution, the International Union for the Conservation of Nature, created by Julian Huxley, which amplified its activities through numerous sections of the United Nations. And there was the World Wildlife Fund, created by the British Royal Consort, Prince Philip, an organization which aggressively portrayed the predator species of wild animals as the alleged "better human being," compared to humans and modern industrial society. The WWF recruited numerous prominent Germans, including Bernhard Grzimek, the internationally renowned director of the Frankfurt Zoo, and one of the later promoters of the German Greens—a man who once said that Earth would be lovable, if the human population were no more than 20 million.

Then there was ECOROPA, an organization for the promotion of ecologism in Europe, created by Denis de Rougemont, a Swiss-based agent of Anglo-Dutch interests who also co-founded the Congress of Cultural Freedom (CCF) in 1950, to replace Classical culture and its humanistic-republican ideas that were to liberate man, by modern sound bytes and pragmatism that would keep man a serf of the pop culture industry that was run by the financial oligarchy. The Frankfurt School and its 1933-45 exile spinoff in the United States, the New School for Social Research, overlapped with the CCF, while the media promotion for Alexander Mitscherlich's 1965 book, Die Unwirtlichkeit unserer Städte: Anstiftung zum Unfrieden (The Inhospitality of Our Cities: Incitement to Discord), a battle cry against urban society, was typical of the activities of these circles.

These institutions penetrated German society during the 1950s and 1960s, and when the Club of Rome went public with its Limits to Growth book in late 1972, the ground was already prepared. The Greens started as an aggressively anti-industrial mass movement a few years later, as a merger of the "traditional" oligarchical influences within the pro-socialist, anti-state currents, with the new rock-drug counterculture movements with their "back-to-nature" ideology. All of that contained a strong aspect of anti-Americanism, of ideological opposition to the modern, productive industry model of the United States, as it had been created by U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt—a man hated by the Anglo-Dutch cabal, which also disliked his anti-colonialism.

That anti-Americanism was often nurtured even by nominally "pro-American" institutions such as the German Marshall Fund of the U.S.A. (GMF), which was created with German taxpayers' money, 147 million marks, in 1973 by Chancellor Willy Brandt, himself a longtime asset of British-American (emphasis on British) interests. The GMF used the money to fund "scientific" surveys advising that Germany's heavy-industry regions should be dismantled, exactly as Anglo-Dutch financiers had previously done in the United States.

Riots Against the Nuclear Plants

Mass protests against German nuclear power projects began with sit-ins and other acts of civil disobedience in 1975 at Wyhl, in southwestern Germany, amplified by the mass media, especially the journals Stern, Spiegel, Zeit, and Konkret in Hamburg, a traditional stronghold of Anglo-Dutch views in German politics. In 1976, more violent protests began at the nuclear project in Brokdorf, not far from Hamburg, which soon escalated into a real insurrection, constantly keeping several thousand policemen in action to protect the nuclear site. Thousands and thousands of citizens were mobilized for these protests and riots, which in February 1981 drew 80,000 to Brokdorf. By that time, several tens of thousands of protesters and rioters mobilized against the Runway West project of the Frankfurt Airport. Roads and highways were blocked, and railway tracks sabotaged, in a full-scale destabilization of Germany, with assassinations of bankers, industrialists, law officials, and nuclear researchers. In Italy, a similar pattern of destabilization was known as the "Strategy of Tension."

Destabilization operations of an even broader scope were added, after Soviet President Yuri Andropov rejected U.S. President Ronald Reagan's LaRouche-inspired Strategic Defense Initiative proposal for U.S.-U.S.S.R. cooperation in missile defense, in 1983, and approved logistical support of pro-communist networks in the ecological movement in Germany, as a way of destabilizing a key U.S. NATO ally.

One of the net results of this was that from 1986 on, nuclear power projects were no longer completed in Germany (no new project had been planned since 1978 anyway). All major highway, railway, airport, and other infrastructure projects were either much-delayed or cancelled, as a concession to the violent mass protests, which in many cases, like that of Brokdorf, resembled civil war.

From March 1983 on, the Greens had seats in the West German parliament, where they lost no opportunity to paralyze crucial legislation. Germany had virtually become ungovernable.

Re-Tooling of the Greens

The Soviet Empire collapsed, however, of its own internal economic weaknesses, as Lyndon LaRouche had warned in a October 1988 speech in Berlin, and the resurgence of German patriotism after the fall of the Iron Curtain in November 1989, opened up a perspective of national reunification. This came to the surprise of the Greens, whose anti-unification views all of a sudden made voters repudiate them. The Greens remained in the first unified national parliament in December 1990, only because the eastern German Greens had been exempted from the otherwise mandatory 5% vote required for parliamentary seats.

The Anglo-Dutch string-pullers behind the Greens made the decision, then, to regroup the ecologist movement, by promoting the "realist faction" of select Green party members, one of whom was Joschka Fischer, who gained the special support of the news daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, mouthpiece of the Frankfurt-based banking interests. With Fischer came Fritz Kuhn, a friend of the equity and hedge funds, and of budget austerity; and Reinhard Bütikofer. This was the core team that formed the first "red-green" national coalition government with the "red" Social Democrats in September 1998—showing also just how "green" the "red" SPD had become.

With Fischer especially, the formerly leftist and pro-Palestinian Greens were transformed into a lobby for Israel, and through Fischer's engagement, as Foreign Minister, for the Balkans War of 1999, also made friends with NATO. In 2005, Ralf Fücks, leader of the Green party's Böll Foundation (named after prominent CCF collaborator Heinrich Böll), even called for Israel to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Bütikofer made friends with U.S. neo-con think-tanks such as the Heritage Foundation and the American Enterprise Institute, and when Kuhn started propaganda in late 2006 for investments by "green hedge funds" into alternative technologies such as bio-fuels, it illustrated how fast the Greens had adopted the latest schemes of the Anglo-Dutch financiers. It does not come as any surprise, that in terms of personal income, the average Green party member has surpassed even the liberal Free Democrats.

The good news is that with these developments, the Greens have become alienated from the youth vote, of which they had kept a certain share over the years, while the other political parties kept losing it. Especially the jobless youth in eastern Germany are profoundly disinterested in "green" themes. This opens a wide flank for the LaRouche Youth in Germany, to recruit young Germans. And that is what they intend to do.

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