A New Genocide in Congo
by Douglas DeGroot
Nov. 7—The London-based financial cartel has seized upon the flare-up of an anti-government rebellion, and resultant humanitarian crisis, in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (D.R.C.) province of North Kivu, as a pretext to target the sovereignty of any African nation that stands in the way of Brutish imperial designs.
The current Minister of State in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office of the British government with responsibility for Africa, Asia, and the United Nations, Lord Mark Malloch-Brown, has called for British military intervention, indicating a shift to a more aggressive strategy by the financial cartel. The millions of people who have died in this region since 1998, never previously evoked this kind of professed concern, and call for direct action from the British.
At the same time that Malloch-Brown, who is a close associate of self-confessed Nazi-lover George Soros (see article, p. 31), was making his repeated calls for British intervention, Prime Minister Gordon Brown said, in Saudi Arabia, that there was a danger of a repeat of Rwanda (a reference to the orchestrated 1994 genocide there) which, he said, must not be allowed to repeat itself. The British empire is preparing a more activist thrust against the nations of Africa, to drastically reduce their populations, a policy promoted by Henry Kissinger in his National Security Study Memorandum 200 (NSSM 200), during the Nixon Administration. That memorandum states that available resources are dwindling worldwide, and that less-developed nations must reduce their populations so as not to use up the scarce resources coveted by the United States and Europe.
This British shift is taking place just before the installation of the U.S. Obama Administration, and the Brutish intend that the new reality being created on the ground in the D.R.C. will enable them to get the new American administration to implement a more activist anti-African policy of genocide.
What the British intend will make the Rwanda genocide in 1994, or that which has been taking place in eastern D.R.C. since 1998, seem moderate in comparison. An International Rescue Committee report in January 2008 put the number who have died in the eastern D.R.C. region since the second "Great War" began in August 1998, with invasions from Uganda and Rwanda, at 5.4 million. Most victims died from disease and starvation. That makes this war, and its continuing effects, the deadliest conflict since World War II. By comparison, in the often referred to 1994 anti-Tutsi genocide in Rwanda, at least 800,000 are said to have died.
The second "Great War," an ongoing Thirty Years War-style conflagration, was the second invasion of the D.R.C., backed by Uganda and Rwanda, which got near to the capital, Kinshasa, before it was turned back, with the aid of Angola, Namibia, and Zimbabwe. The first invasion, in support of those in opposition to President Mobutu Sese Seko, in what was then called Zaire, led to the toppling of Mobutu, who, at the end of the "Cold War" was no longer needed by his former Western backers.
In the ten years since Mobutu has been out of power, the industrialized nations have done virtually nothing to help the D.R.C. become a viable, sovereign nation. No cooperation for significant infrastructural development has been forthcoming, and the industrial countries, themselves obsessed with security, have done nothing to help develop a strong, integrated army. Had this kind of aid been made available, the crisis being whipped up now would not be able to take place.
As a result, 80% of the population live in an insecure and vulnerable state of existence. It is very clear to any thinking observer, that the axioms of NSSM 200 are determining policy toward the D.R.C.
An African Solution?
A regional UN/African Union summit is taking place today, in Nairobi, Kenya. Before the summit, AU chairman, Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete, said that the AU was ready to take a leading role in the restoration of peace in North Kivu. He stressed that swift action was necessary to prevent escalation of the humanitarian crisis, calling for a ceasefire, in addition to building up the UN force. To this end, Kikwete called for support from regional leaders, and the international community. In attendance at the Nairobi meeting, besides Kikwete, were the Presidents of the D.R.C., Rwanda, Uganda, Kenya, Burundi, and South Africa, in addition to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, and former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, whom Ban has named special envoy for the North Kivu conflict.
An extraordinary summit of the Southern Africa Development Conference (SADC) set for Nov. 9 in South Africa, has also been called to discuss the D.R.C. crisis, as well as the situation in Zimbabwe.
The AU hopes to avoid foreign intervention by reinforcing the UN peacekeeping force in the D.R.C. Well aware of this, London financial forces had Malloch-Brown attend the summit in Nairobi today. Discussion of the D.R.C. situation in the House of Commons yesterday, expressed a great concern about violence toward civilians, and fully endorsed Malloch-Brown's trip.
After renegade Gen. Laurent Nkundabatware (usually referred to as Nkunda in the Western press) surrounded the city of Goma, Malloch-Brown said that EU military action in the D.R.C. cannot be ruled out, and reiterated, that, from the British standpoint, the military option is on the table. He said that plans for British intervention have been drawn up, and that British troops are on standby (using the pretext of providing security for aid convoys). African leaders, on the other hand, want to beef up the UN peacekeeping force from the present 17,000—of whom 6,000 are in eastern D.R.C. The peacekeepers' task is not easy since Nkunda's well-armed forces use hit-and-run tactics, and intermingle with the civilian population, making it very difficult for the UN forces to intervene to prevent harm to civilians.
British Foreign Secretary David Miliband arrived in Kinshasa, on Oct. 31. British UN Ambassador John Sawyers said Miliband intended to push D.R.C. President Joseph Kabila to engage in direct talks with Nkunda, as Nkunda was demanding: "It's good for President Kabila to talk to Laurent Nkunda," said Sawyer, which is precisely what Nkunda has been saying. In sharp distinction to the British position of advocating talks with the rebel grouping, French President Nicolas Sarkozy is "fully backing" Kabila in the crisis. Kabila set up a transitional unity government in 2003, and Nkunda deserted some months later, in 2004.
Before Miliband traveled to Kinshasa, the London Guardian attacked the UN peacekeeping force, with the outrageous statement that the UN stood in the way of solving the problem, because it is picking sides in the conflict, by supporting the government.
Nkunda Challenges the Government
The latest flare-up of the crisis began Aug. 28, when Nkunda lit the fuse by breaking a peace agreement that his and 22 other armed groups had reached with the government on Jan. 23. The agreement had committed the groups to a ceasefire, and disengagement of their respective forces (Nkunda has an armed force of about 4,000, according to reports, and receives support via Rwanda).
Nkunda's forces surrounded Goma, the provincial capital of North Kivu, on Oct. 28. He halted his troops, and demanded that Kabila negotiate with him. He singled out the $9 billion joint venture deal Kabila had made with China, which he objects to. China is to provide $6 billion worth of road construction, two hydroelectric dams, and hospitals and schools, in addition to rail connections to southern Africa, and a railroad between the mineral-rich province of Katanga, in southern D.R.C., and the D.R.C.'s Atlantic port at Matadi, in return for copper and cobalt. Another $3 billion is to be invested primarily in developing new mining areas.
Strengthening the nation in this manner runs counter to the Brutish goal, which is shared by Nkunda, which may say something about how he is ultimately supported. He, along with other groups, run rogue mining operations in North Kivu, stealing minerals which they sell. Eastern D.R.C. is the second-richest mining area in the D.R.C., after Katanga in the South. The mineral merchant companies in Rwanda that buy these minerals, are no longer owned by the government, which has privatized them.
On Nov. 4, Nkunda threatened that if the government didn't talk to him on his terms, he would link up with other groups and overthrow Kabila. "We will continue fighting and we will fight all the way to Kinshasa," he said. That Nkunda would be able to do this with his 4,000 men, is considered ludicrous. No insurgency has been able to march from eastern D.R.C. to Kinshasa, in the past ten years, without the help of the Ugandan or Rwandan army. But until the D.R.C. has an adequately trained and equipped army, Nkunda will be able to keep the killing machine at work in North Kivu.
Kabila has refused to talk only to Nkunda, insisting on talking to all the groups in North Kivu. In addition to the over 20 militias, there are over 400 ethnic groups in the province, according to African sources. After Kabila's refusal, Nkunda's forces, over the last four days, asked the people to leave certain towns, and began systematically killing men who didn't heed their orders, according to news reports, because they considered them pro-government, and therefore, their enemies.
This activity is now being played up in the British press, allowing Malloch-Brown to militate for a greater role by Britain in this crisis, in order to bypass the UN and AU. Some are deluding themselves into thinking that because of the demands on Britain militarily, because of the Afghanistan deployment, the British won't have the troop strength to intervene into the D.R.C., and mess up the UN peacekeeping deployment. In fact, London's financial cartel would consider a British intervention into Africa, which would ultimately lead to a great population reduction, as having a higher strategic significance than Afghanistan, where other nations have been sucked in, to do little more than protect the drug production.
The intense ethnic conflict in Burundi and Rwanda, between Tutsis and Hutus, a legacy of the Belgian colonial period, continues to be the basis for manipulation in the region. No leader who ever tried to overcome this ethnic conflict, in either Rwanda or Burundi, has survived. The Tutsi-Hutu conflict has now spilled over into North Kivu, where members of both groups have migrated or fled. Nkunda is an example of this: He was born in the D.R.C., is a Tutsi, and fought alongside the Tutsi opposition in Rwanda, after the anti-Tutsi genocide there.
This conflict, which has claimed thousands of victims in both countries, has been easy for the London-based Anglo-Dutch financial cartel to manipulate. It provided the basis for the interventions into Congo, which was collapsing at an accelerating rate during the last seven years of the Mobutu dictatorship. In fact, the 1994 genocide was orchestrated by the British to worsen the conflict, and set in motion long-term prospects for destabilizing this part of Africa. No one outside the region who knew how it was set up, did anything to stop it.
D.R.C. Crises, New U.S. Administrations
The conflict in North Kivu is viewed ominously by concerned Africans because it is taking place right as a new administration is coming to power in the United States. African sources report that crises in the D.R.C. which have taken place before the installation of a new U.S. administration have. on previous occasions, been a signal for significant policy shifts. They note that on Jan. 16, 1961, nationalist leader Patrice Lumumba, who was allied with Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, was assassinated just days before John F. Kennedy's Jan. 20 inauguration. This occurred during a brawl between the newly independent Congo and the Anglo-Dutch financial cartel over who would control the country. Because of its mineral wealth and size, it was a potential economic powerhouse, once the Belgian policy of denying education and training were reversed. Kennedy was never able, during the short while he was President, to overcome the resulting manipulated chaos, and help get the country on a development track.
These sources also point to the assassination of President Laurent Kabila on Jan. 17, 2001, just before George W. Bush was inaugurated. They point out that Kabila, who succeeded Mobutu, had been opposed to taking on the massive debt, as demanded by the IMF/World Bank, that had been racked up by Mobutu. His son, Joseph Kabila, who succeeded him, got the message, and agreed to the IMF/World Bank demands. While these sources have no illusions that anything good would have happened for the D.R.C. during the Bush Presidency, this debt question was dramatically settled before Bush took office. As a result, the country was unable to develop, or to create a unified army, which has led to continued conflict. This left the way open for private arms dealers to supply local militias, feeding into the process of settling old scores, etc. Sources report that the EU had promised to help build up the D.R.C. military, but didn't do it.
In light of the recent blowup in North Kivu, Africans will be watching very closely to see if President Obama will play a leading role in implementation of a murderous de facto balkanization of eastern D.R.C. The fact that Soros, who is dedicated to wrecking nations, was a big funder of the Obama campaign, does not bode well. Neither does the report that Obama admires Malloch-Brown. These same networks are pressuring President-elect Obama to take strong action against the government of Sudan, because of the crisis resulting from the manipulated anti-government rebellion in Darfur.
Africans have also observed that some of the same figures who were in high-level positions in the United States when the 1994 Rwandan genocide was set up, have been gravitating to the Obama camp.
Eastern D.R.C. is one of the most fertile regions in Africa, and could become a breadbasket for the continent. But, if the Brutish scenario is played out, it will take the rest of the country down with it.