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This transcript appears in the December 18, 2015 issue of Executive Intelligence Review.

Don’t Believe the Popular Lies!

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Dec. 10—Corrupt popular opinion and media insist that Obama’s removal is impossible. Indeed, they go so far as to try to insist that it isn’t even being discussed. But thanks first of all, and most of all to the key catalytic role of Lyndon LaRouche’s “Manhattan Project,” neither assertion is true. In fact, there is active discussion of the need for Obama’s removal at the highest levels of government. No more lying: it can be done, it must be done, and we must see to it that it is done, and done quickly.

Sometimes an action which appears ostensibly local to a single place, like the “Manhattan Project,” has universal effect: think of Brunelleschi’s cupola in Florence, for example.

Part of what these corrupt media and popular opinion are hiding from you, is that there is now an active bill before Congress, which lists eleven offenses which would trigger impeachment proceedings against any President who committed any of them. The most prominent of these offenses are precisely the “high crimes and misdemeanors” for which Lyndon LaRouche has indicted Barack Obama in his weekly dialogues with the Manhattan Project.

Congressman Ted Yoho (R-Fla.) introduced H. Res. 198 on April 13 of this year. It is short and sweet. After a few “whereases,” its operative section simply says the following:

The House of Representatives declares the following Presidential actions shall constitute impeachable “high crimes and misdemeanors” within the meaning of Article II, section 4, which will cause the House to vote an article or articles of impeachment to send to the Senate for trial—

(1) initiating war without express congressional authorization;

(2) killing American citizens in the United States or abroad who are not then engaged in active hostilities against the United States without due process (unless the killing was necessary to prevent imminent serious physical danger to third parties);

(3) failing to superintend subordinates guilty of chronic constitutional abuses;

(4) spending appropriated funds in violation of conditions imposed for expenditure;

(5) intentionally lying to Congress to obtain an authorization for war;

(6) failing to take care that the laws be faithfully executed through signing statements or systematic policies of nonenforcement;

(7) substituting executive agreements for treaties;

(8) intentionally lying under oath to a Federal judge or grand jury;

(9) misusing Federal agencies to advance a partisan political agenda;

(10) refusing to comply with a congressional subpoena for documents or testimony issued for a legitimate legislative purpose; and

(11) issuing Executive orders or Presidential memoranda that infringe upon or circumvent the constitutional powers of Congress.

Note that Rep. Yoho’s bill will come into effect as soon as it is passed by a majority of the House of Representatives. There is no need for any action by the Senate. Rep. Yoho has two cosponsors: Republicans Jeff Duncan of South Carolina and Tom McClintock of California. Republican Justin Amash of Michigan was a cosponsor, but withdrew on June 9. We don’t yet know his reasons for withdrawing, but they probably involve the intensity of the struggle,—in a fight which some would have you believe is not even happening at all.

All the focus now on the immediate need to remove Obama, has led some to look again at the provisions of Section 4 of the 25th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which prescribes how to remove a President “who is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office,” but who fails to step down of his own accord,—requiring a little shove, one might say.

The usual presentation of Section 4,—indeed what has been our usual presentation of Section 4,—says that the Vice President and a majority of cabinet members must vote to declare the President’s (in this case) mental incapacity. But in fact, that is not what it says. That is but one alternative. The other alternative is that the Houses of Congress establish by law another “body,” which would be in effect a special commission to investigate and vote on the President’s capacity to continue in office.

Quite a difference, potentially.

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