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A Post-Election Message from Lyndon LaRouche:

Sounding the Certain Trumpet

Nov. 6, 2004 (EIRNS)—This statement by former U.S. Presidential pre-candidate Lyndon LaRouche, made today to meetings of the international LaRouche Youth Movement, is being issued as a mass-circulation leaflet by the Lyndon LaRouche Political Action Committee.

There is no possible way, that, if the United States continues its present policy, civilization as we have known it is not going to plunge into a planet-wide New Dark Age.

Now, in such a situation, we face the challenge of what Schiller defines best, echoing Plato, as the Sublime. And therefore, the thing we have to deal with now, most importantly, if we look only at the tragic aspect of the situation, then we might as well go out and shoot ourselves: Because, by thinking tragically, only tragically, we eliminate the possibility of our intervention as a factor of the Sublime, to prevent the seemingly inevitable worst from actually happening.

There's no way that the present Bush Administration's policy can succeed; that is, in its own terms. The system is collapsing. The very election, or apparent re-election of George Bush—because it is not fully clear that he was actually elected; that is not yet settled, though there are seemingly dim hopes for anything contrary. But, the fact is, if he were to continue on his course of policy, as dictated by his controllers and those who are trying to triumphalize over his alleged victory, then civilization on this planet has no chance of continuing much longer in its present form.

We must hope, presume, that there might be something, despite the present Bush Administration, which would change the policies of the United States from the plunge toward doom shown by the past performance trends of the current Presidency.

Bush is about to come under the heavy hammer of several inescapable consequences of his continuing mistakes. He is now faced by an onrushing collapse of the international financial system, a collapse which is being accelerated by the mere news, of the reported re-election of George Bush. Europe is asking itself the hard question: What does it mean for Europe?

Let us suppose that Kerry had been certified as the victor: That certification would have resulted, in Europe in particular, in an immediate rush to discussions, behind the curtain, between Kerry and some representatives of Kerry, and leading Europeans. The very basis of the opening for that kind of discussion between an elected President and Europeans, would have meant that the United States and Europe, and institutions here and there, would have been poised to come to certain kinds of tentative understandings, such that, in the case of a collapse of the type that is now inevitable, Europe and the United States would have reacted in a coordinated way, to minimize the immediate, irreparable damage from the collapse. This would have given some leg-room for negotiation on measures to be taken to bring the now-already-ongoing collapse under control.

The very fact that Bush is apparently elected, with the policy determinations which are associated with him, means that Europe, while it has not got the courage to resist U.S. policy now—not even the amount of courage which was shown, in resisting the entry into the Iraq War—that Europe will not cooperate, because it can not cooperate, with a Bush Administration. For example, take the case of Germany: Germany, under the present policies of the European Union, can not possibly survive as an economy. It will die; it will die very soon, very rapidly.

If Germany goes down, the rest of Central and Western Europe go down. The prospects of Russia, for cooperation with Europeans and other parts of the world, begin to vanish. That's the kind of problem we face.

So therefore, we have to expect the threat of the worst now: that Europe can not solve the problem, and will not solve the problem. The solution must come from within the United States. Europe must be prepared to accept a positive remedy, coming out of the United States, but Europe does not have the policy commitments, or the courage, to undertake changing U.S. policy.

Therefore, we have to focus on the impact of the crisis upon the United States itself, to see a possibility, here, of a change in direction, from what ostensibly would be the policies of the Bush Administration, as of about now. Excluding the bombing of Fallujah, which is on the decks, or something like that.

There will be some attempt, of course, here, from inside Republican and other ranks, to attempt to moderate Bush's enthusiasm for going crazy; there'll be attempts to try to find a new negotiation in the Iraq situation. But, in the long term, such efforts will be doomed, because the situation is now in strategic quick-sand, and, unless we get out of the quick-sand which Iraq is for the U.S. today, there will be no successful negotiations for the medium to long term.

Only a long-term change in U.S. policy could save the U.S. from the catastrophe which the Bush Administration is now bringing down on itself, and upon us all.

The Dangers We Face

The United States is now going to be hit by the facts that: 1) First of all, the United States is bankrupt. I don't know what's the state of Banco Santander, which is a big thieving institution, which may not yet be bankrupt because it is sucking the blood of South America. But, in general, the banking systems of Europe are hopelessly bankrupt. They're only held up by political considerations, not by banking considerations. The situation in the United States is precisely the same—and even worse. This thing is ready to collapse.

2) There is a very dangerous situation, in the population, as typified by the results of the recent election, as in Ohio: where a factor of mass insanity, based on people who have become, in the lower 80% of family-income brackets, in particular, relatively disassociated from reality. That is, they no longer feel they are part of the reality, and tend to shift their faith into illusions. And of course, among the preferred illusions are religious delusions; of the type associated with the Protestant fundamentalists and the Catholic right-wing reactionaries, who are really the same thing. They have different costumes, different language, but they are the same thing. They are both implicitly a fascist force, as they were during the period 1920 to 1945 in Europe, and in the rat-line phenomenon, going from Europe through certain Church circles via Spain into South America.

3) We are faced with the threat of an actual fascist insurgency, with very much similarity to what happened in Germany in 1933: in which, in a moment, you had a population which you thought would never go to Hitler; but then, after a Reichstag Fire event, and the subsequent events in August of 1934, World War II was inevitable. Nobody was going to stop it, because there was nobody ready to stop it, at that time. And then France, of course, went into fascism, and so forth and so on. All of Europe was essentially dominated by fascism, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Soviet military border, over the period from 1934 essentially, into the end of the war in 1945.

And then, of course, people revived fascism again, through Allen Dulles and similar types. And it's now back again.

The danger of a fascist reaction fed by the Protestant/right-wing Catholic phenomenon in the United States, is very real.

So therefore, the only solution to this combination of early catastrophes, is to introduce what Classical scholarship calls the Sublime. That is what I represented, from the time of my mobilization to resist the radical right's recall election, led by right-wing Arnold Schwarzenegger against Gov. Gray Davis in California. It is only through the mobilization, against all apparent odds, to present positive alternatives to the rabid madness of the right-wing forces typified by Schwarzenegger, Vice President Cheney, and Karl Rove's dark legend, that our destruction can be prevented. The Sublime is the only alternative to an otherwise national tragedy.

For that I will fight, all the way, for you and for our posterity.