Lyndon LaRouche's Address to
the Los Angeles Commemoration of
the End of World War II
Aug. 15, 2015 (EIRNS)—The following is a transcript of Lyndon LaRouche's remarks to a Los Angeles symposium sponsored by the County of Los Angeles, the U.S.-China Institute of the University of Southern California, and the U.S.-China Forum in Los Angeles, held today.
My name is Lyndon LaRouche. I'm a veteran of several periods of service in the military during World War II, and following. I think that's the crucial thing. My service was in India, other parts of the area, and therefore my most significant experience is in Asia. I think that stands up now to the subject that confronts us presently.
We have a very important development globally in which China is a central feature by virtue of its importance, its extent, and its relationship to other nations in various parts of the world, including South America, Asia, Africa, Egypt, and so forth. What's important here is to define some sense of what the obligation of the United States itself should be toward the treatment of the development of China.
Now, China is a very powerful nation right now. In the main, it's one of the most successful nations on the planet right now—the rate of growth, the rate of development, the progress of the conditions of life of its citizens, the improvements in water management, all kinds of that sort of thing. And so you can start from that, I being an American citizen with some expertise in this matter, from many years of service. The important thing now is, what is the relationship of the United States to China? That's particularly the case.
This is a very difficult problem right now, as long as Obama remains the President of the United States. Very threatening. But what's beyond that, what's behind that? Assume that Obama's thrown out of office in due course, and that we avoid a thermonuclear war between the United States and China, and other locations. Under those conditions I can say something, I think, relevant.
We've had for a period of time, for more than a century, about a century and a half, we've had a waste of time in terms of the policy and practice of the United States. Franklin Roosevelt was the exception. We've had spotty cases where other Presidents have also made significant contributions to their relationship not only to the United States itself, but to certain foreign nations, with military service and things like that.
So now we have something we know, and it's obvious that what has happened, with this change in quality which just came out of Egypt, the Egyptian reform which was just established, creates a completely new difference in the way we think about the planet as a whole, nations as a whole. We are now at a point where the old system is gone, or will be gone, we hope. And that means that we're going to have to integrate nations such as China, which is a major element in this whole process, with other parts, other nations, of the planet. And this is what is essentially urgent: to come to an understanding of what these relations are.
For example, there's a good relation between Russia and China, an excellent one. Egypt, excellent; the relationship with European and other nations, and so forth. This should be our focus point in the United States. We should be, instead of what the policy has been recently, we need to have a much closer relationship with the trans-Pacific region, and taking into account what the reform has been in the developments in Egypt in terms of the water system. And I think that's the most important part of this thing right now.
There's also the question of practical things, but I think those practical things are well understood by all professionals in these matters. But the thing is to get a mission orientation, which actually integrates China as a pivot around which to build a relationship to the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. That's where it is now. That's the reality.
I think what China has done has been excellent. The progress has been remarkable. I don't think you can expect much better. And that's where I would stand. We have to take the situation as it's at hand, minus Obama, because with Obama there's the threat of immediate thermonuclear war. And if we can assume that Obama is going to be removed from position soon, which he should be, urgently, then we can say, we can open up the gates with the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, and on that basis, we could progress, and cause the United States itself to progress, because our current approach is a failure, under recent Presidents. Under the Bush family, under Obama. The relationship of the United States to Asia, to other places, is abysmal.
But, it's important for the security of every part of the planet that this be corrected. And that's what I'm committed to still. I'm still, at my age, a very active factor in this process. I watch most of these things. I'm not always the best expert on China. I'm familiar with the history of parts of Asia, spent most of my life, in terms of service, in different parts of the world. And I look at it from that standpoint.
In summary, I'm optimistic. I'm optimistic about not only what's going in China—which is obvious, I think, to many people—but the point is, what kind of a world are we bringing together, across the nations. South America, the Atlantic area, the Pacific area? And I think that that has to be, and can be, brought into focus right away. Right now.
Once we get Obama out of the Presidency of the United States, I think the option is, and the probable result is, there'll be a change in world policies, based on the rejection of the idea of going to a thermonuclear war, which is what is threatened. And that probably means removing Obama from office, because he's now determined to move in a direction of causing a thermonuclear confrontation.
But I think otherwise, if that is removed, I think the options for development are there. And the role of China right now, and its relations, is extremely crucial. Because if there's cooperation with China, in its present efforts, in terms of high technology, more advanced scientific insight, acceleration of the development of the productive powers of labor in China, and around it, this is the perspective. And this is the patriotic perspective for the United States to have.
And that's where I stand on this. It's obvious to me. And if we have more question and answer kind of discussion, I think it would be quite interesting on that point.